CUBA: 1958-2006


Cuba Comparative Statistical Data: 1958 - 2006

The figures speak by themselves

1958 - 6.6 millions population
2006 -11.4 millions population

1958 - 356 pesos ($356) per capita income. Dollar equal to 1 peso. 3rd place in
Latin America
2006 - 4,320 pesos ($180) per capita income. Dollar equal to 24 pesos. 18th place
in Latin America

1958 - 2,870 calories daily consumption per inhabitant. 3rd place in Latin America
2006 - 1,100 calories daily consumption per inhabitant. 20th place in Hemisphere

1958 - 76 pounds of meat per year per inhabitant (consumption)
2006 - 15 pounds of meat per year per inhabitant (consumption)

1958 - 47 eggs per year per inhabitant (consumption)
2006 - 13 eggs per year per inhabitant (consumption)

1958 - 12 pounds of chicken per year per inhabitant (consumption)
2006 - 6 pounds of chicken per year per inhabitant (consumption)

1958 - 450 Watts electrical energy per inhabitant 8th in Latin America
2006 - 75 Watts electrical energy per inhabitant.

1958 - 26 cars per1000 inhabitants. 2nd in Latin America
2006 - 10 cars per1000 inhabitants

1958 - 1 urban bus per 300 inhabitants
2006 - 1 urban bus per 1,600 inhabitants

1958 - 1 interurban bus per 2,000 inhabitants
2006 - 1 interurban bus per 8,000 inhabitants

1958 - 26 telephones lines per 1000 inhabitants. 2nd place in Hemisphere
2006 - 30 telephones lines per 1000 inhabitants. Fourteen place in Latin America

1958 - 36 TV sets per 1,000 inhabitants. First place in Latin America, fifth in the world
2006 - 25 TV sets per 1000 inhabitants

1958 - 5 TV stations (2 in color). Second in Hemisphere in transmitting TV in colors
2006 - 2 TV stations

1958 - 1 physician per 980 inhabitants. Third in Latin America, 12th highest in the world
2006 - 1 physician per 280 inhabitants (60% of physicians are working in Cuba, 35% are
working in other countries and 5% are in exile). First in Latin America

1958 - 1 dentist per 3,000 inhabitants. Second in Hemisphere
2006 - 1 dentist per1,800 inhabitants

1958 – 1 hospital beds per 190 inhabitants. First in Latin America
2006 – 1 hospital beds per 200 inhabitants

1958 – 32 death per 1000 live births. First in Latin America, 13 in the world
2006 - 6.2 death per 1000 live births. First in Latin America

1958 - 6.3 mortality rate per 1000 inhabitants. Third in the world
2006 - 7.2 mortality rate per 1000 inhabitants

1958 - 6.5 millions heads of cattle
2006 - 2.5 millions heads of cattle

1958 - 7.1% unemployment
2006 - 27% unemployment

1958 - 1.8% inflation (1957). Lower in Hemisphere
2006 - 18% inflation

1958 - 18 daily newspapers
2006 - 1 daily newspaper

1958 – 0.75 millions tourists. Second in Hemisphere
2006 - 2.14 millions tourists. Ninth in Hemisphere

1958 - Sugar harvest 5.6 millions tons
2006 - Sugar harvest 1.2 millions tons

Has been worth so much suffering? Where are the so called “achievements” of Castro’s regime? How the 1958 figures would be now if free enterprise and democracy would have continued in Cuba during these 47 years? Why Cuba is the only country in this Hemisphere where all economic indexes have gone down in the last 47 years?

NOTES:

Data gathered from ONU, OMS, OIT, UNESCO, USA Department of Commerce, FAO CELADE, CEPAL, ASCE, Cuba in Transition, Anuario Estadístico de Cuba, Colegio Médico Nacional de Cuba and Cuban functionaries.

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[deleted]

"Under Batista foreigners had owned 70 % of the arable land."

"Most of the sugar industry was in US hands."



WATCH and LEARN

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oPlnGiS488s


Hasta la Victoria Siempre !

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[deleted]

Excerpts from: “THE STANDARD OF LIVING IN CUBA’S REPUBLICAN ERA”

By Humberto (Bert) Corzo* La Nueva Cuba, Octubre 1, 2002
http://www.lanuevacuba.com/archivo/bert-corzo-3esp.htm

In 1958 the middle class made up more than 33% of the population according to the Department of Cultural Affairs of the Pan-American Union. Due to the growing economy the basic needs of Cuba’s population were covered. The Census of 1953 showed that 30% of the work force depended on the agricultural sector. Ginsburg in his Economic Atlas (3), among 97 countries analyzed with regard to the active population working in agriculture ranked Cuba as number 30. This analysis changed the traditional vision of Cuba as an agricultural country, placing it among the industrialized ones. The per capita income of 1958 ranked Cuba number 31 at world level in Ginsburg’s table. That same year 62% of Central Americans and 55% of Latin Americans were dependent on agriculture for their subsistence.

3. Norton Ginsburg, Atlas of Economic Development, 1961

Cuba during the 50’s was considered one of the most developed countries in Latin America. According to a study done by Eugene Stanley of the Committee of Exterior Relations of the U.S., who analyzed 100 countries positioned Cuba along with the U.S. and the U.S.S.R., as being among the top 19 intermediate to developed countries in the world (5). The previous information shows clearly, without the shadow of a doubt, that Cuba’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in 1958 was fairly distributed in comparison to Latin America and the rest of the world.[1]

[1]Humberto (Bert) Corzo, “THE STANDARD OF LIVING IN CUBA’S REPUBLICAN ERA”, La Nueva Cuba, Octubre 1, 2002

5. R. Espinosa, Elementos de Geografía de Cuba

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Victorin,

2 excellent posts.

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Percapita comparison

The comparative study of the GCD among several countries by this article will bring into focus the catastrophic results of Castro’s regime over the Cuban economy. Here is the link:

http://www.lanuevacuba.com/archivo/bert-corzo-1eng.htm

Excerpts

In 1958 the Cuban peso and the dollar circulated in Cuba on a par-basis. Between the 1960’s and the 1990’s, the inflation index (consumer price index, CPI) changed to 5.96 (4). In other words an item that cost $1.00 in 1958 will cost $5.96 in the year 2000. For example a gallon of milk that cost $0.47 in 1958 in the U.S. cost $2.80 in 2000.

At the end of November 2001 the official exchange rate of the convertible Cuban peso (equivalent to the dollar) was 27 units of the Cuban peso in circulation. In the year 2001 Cuba’s monthly average was 230 pesos per capita, which at the exchange rate prevailing for that year would be equivalent to $8.52 per month. In 1958 Cuba’s monthly average was $110 per capita, 12.9 times larger than in 2001.

The combined effect of the devalued Cuban peso with respect to the dollar, and the rate of inflation for the last 40 years (27x5.96) have been devastating to the standard of living experienced in Cuba from the 1960’s to the 1990’s. To remain at the same purchasing power, the average salary would have to be 161x110=17710 pesos today. Current per capita figures represent only 1.3% of the 1958 per capita. [1]

[1] Bert Corzo, Comparative Study Of Cuba’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) Based On Existing Statistical Data During The Republic And Today’s Communist System, La Nueva Cuba, Julio 30 2002.



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Grow of Cuban American community

Univision Radio, January 4, 2007

The magazine Hispanic Trade U.S. Today, states that the continuous economic grow of the Cuban-Americans community is evident by the fact that they own 138 of the 500 greater Hispanic companies in the United States, equivalent to 28% of those companies although only represent 3.4 percent of the Hispanic community.

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Cuba Statistical Data

http://www.state.gov/p/wha/ci/14776.htm

In 1957 Cuba’s infant mortality rate was the lowest in Latin America and the13 lowest in the world.

It is true that Cuba's infant mortality rate is the second best in Latin America today, but it was the best in Latin America -- and the 13th lowest in the world -- in pre-Castro Cuba.

Cuba's infant mortality rate of 32 per 1,000 live births in 1957 was the lowest in Latin America and the 13th lowest in the world, according to UN data. Cuba ranked ahead of France, Belgium, West Germany, Israel, Japan, Austria, Italy, and Spain, all of which would eventually pass Cuba in this indicator during the following decades.

The actual Cuba's reduction in the infant mortality rate was made possible by a large drop in the birth rate as well as by a notable increase in the rate of abortions. During the period 1990-1995, Cuba had the lowest birth rate in all of Latin America and double the abortion rate of all of the countries under consideration.

Missing from the conventional analysis of Cuba's infant mortality rates is its staggering abortion rate of 77.7 abortions per 1,000 women aged 15-44 in 1996[8] -- which, because of selective termination of "high-risk" pregnancies, yields lower numbers for infant mortality. Cuba's abortion rate was the 3rd highest out of the 60 countries studied.
[8] http://www.guttmacher.org/pubs/journals/25s3099.html

Natality rate per quinquenium, 1990-1995: 14.9 natality/1000, Lowest in Latin America
Source: Statistical Yearbook, CEPAL, 1996
Source: UN Statistical Yearbook 1979, New York, 1979
Datos para año 2005 del Reporte de Desarrollo Humano de 2007 de las Naciones Unidas. Disponible en: http://hdr.undp.org/en/statistics/.
33.4 death/1000 live births
6.3 mortality rate per 1000 person
Anuario Estadístico de Cuba, 1974, pág. 28 (JUCEPLAN)

1954- 6,250 doctors, 1 physician/960 person
1,900 dentists, 1 dentist/3,560 person
1953- 24.829 beds, 4.27 hospital beds/1000 people
1958- 28 536 beds, 4.39 hospital beds/1000 people
Informe de Jacinto Torras al Colegio Médico Nacional, La Habana, 1956.


Calories daily consumption per person (1958) - Cuba 2,870
UNO Demographic Yearbook. 1955-1959. FAO

Alphabetization rate
Anuario Estadístico de las Naciones Unidas de 1957. Nueva York, 1957 p. 600-602

1950's Cuba was far ahead of the rest of Latin America and was among the world's leaders. Cuba had 45 television sets per 1,000 inhabitants in 1957, by far the most in Latin America and fifth in the world. Cuba ranked first in Latin America and fifth in the world in television sets per capita

It should be noted that in 1957, Cuba had more television stations (23) than any other country in Latin America, easily outdistancing larger countries such as Mexico (12 television stations) and Venezuela (10). It also led Latin America and ranked eighth in the world in number of radio stations (160), ahead of such countries as Austria (83 radio stations), United Kingdom (62), and France (50), according to the UN statistical yearbook.

Statistical Abstract of Latin America 2000 vol. 36

According to the United Nations Statistical Summary for 1960, Cuba was third in the consumption of calories among all the countries of Latin America.

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Excerpts from: “THE STANDARD OF LIVING IN CUBA’S REPUBLICAN ERA”

By Humberto (Bert) Corzo* La Nueva Cuba, Octubre 1, 2002
http://www.lanuevacuba.com/archivo/bert-corzo-3esp.htm


In 1958 the middle class made up more than 33% of the population according to the Department of Cultural Affairs of the Pan-American Union. Due to the growing economy the basic needs of Cuba’s population were covered. The Census of 1953 showed that 30% of the work force depended on the agricultural sector. Ginsburg in his Economic Atlas (3), among 97 countries analyzed with regard to the active population working in agriculture ranked Cuba as number 30. This analysis changed the traditional vision of Cuba as an agricultural country, placing it among the industrialized ones. The per capita income of 1958 ranked Cuba number 31 at world level in Ginsburg’s table. That same year 62% of Central Americans and 55% of Latin Americans were dependent on agriculture for their subsistence.

3. Norton Ginsburg, Atlas of Economic Development, 1961


Cuba during the 50’s was considered one of the most developed countries in Latin America. According to a study done by Eugene Stanley of the Committee of Exterior Relations of the U.S., who analyzed 100 countries positioned Cuba along with the U.S. and the U.S.S.R., as being among the top 19 intermediate to developed countries in the world (5). The previous information shows clearly, without the shadow of a doubt, that Cuba’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in 1958 was fairly distributed in comparison to Latin America and the rest of the world.[1]

[1]Humberto (Bert) Corzo, “THE STANDARD OF LIVING IN CUBA’S REPUBLICAN ERA”, La Nueva Cuba, Octubre 1, 2002

5. R. Espinosa, Elementos de Geografía de Cuba

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REMITTANCE OF DOLLARS TO CUBA

The number of Cubans in the US is 1.5 millions and there are 700,000 thousand Cubans in the rest of the world (90,000 thousand in Mexico, 80,000 thousand in Spain, and so on), for a total of 2.2 millions. It is estimated in one billion of dollars a year the amount send by the Cuban exile community to Cuba. The 1 billion figure is an estimate by the Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL), that conducts research and policy analysis on issues affecting Cuban and Hispanics in the US.

Using a conservative figure that only 50% or 1.1 million “senders” of the total of 2.2 millions Cubans in exile, the per person money send is $900. Most of the money is send through money transfer agencies and carry by Cubans exiles traveling to the island. Less than 10% of the money is carry by the so called “mules” to Cuba. The annual median income of a Cuban family in the US is $45,500 according to the Office of the Census. The family size is 3.6 persons, equivalent to 555,000 family units. The average amount of money sends by each family is $1,800. Let say that the income of the 0.7 million Cubans in the rest of the world is 70% of the income in US, adjusting for this figure the average amount of money send by each family comes to $1,950. This figure represent only 4.3% of the family income, therefore we can see that is possible for a middle-income community to send that amount of money.

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In 1958, Cuba had the lowest infant mortality rate in all of Latin America, with 40 deaths per thousand live births. The Cuban rate was significantly lower than the corresponding statistics for France (41.9), Japan (48.9) and Italy (52.8). Although by 1994 world-wide advances in medicine had made it possible for Cuba to substantially reduce the rate to 9.9 per thousand, it had fallen behind the same three countries indicated above, with France showing an index of 7.0, Japan, 4.0 and Italy a per thousand infant mortality rate of 8.0.

Cuba's reduction in the infant mortality rate was made possible by a large drop in the birth rate as well as by a notable increase in the rate of abortions. During the period 1990-1995, Cuba had the lowest birth rate in all of Latin America and double the abortion rate of all of the countries under consideration.

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Battling against the ignorance and bigotry that informs so much of what is written about Cuba before the communist takeover, it's always seemed that a fact sheet of sorts would come in handy. This is a nifty fact sheet on "Socio-Economic Conditions in precastro Cuba" put out by the Cuba Transition Project.

SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONDITIONS IN PRE-CASTRO CUBA*

2009-01-06.
ICCAS
(www.miscelaneasdecuba.net).-
http://miscelaneasdecuba.net/web/article.asp?artID=18731

Introduction

• In the 1950's Cuba was, socially and economically, a relatively advanced country, certainly by Latin America.

Health

• Cuba's infant mortality rate of 32 per 1,000 live births in 1957 was the lowest in Latin America and the 13th lowest in the world, according to UN data. Cuba ranked ahead of France, Belgium, West Germany, Japan, Austria, Italy, and Spain.
• In 1955, life expectancy in Cuba was among the highest at 63 years of age; compared to 52 in other Latin American countries, 43 in Asia, and 37 in Africa.
• In terms of physicians and dentists per capita, Cuba in 1957 ranked third in Latin America, behind only Uruguay and Argentina -- both of which were more advanced than the United States in this measure. Cuba's 128 physicians and dentists per 100,000 people in 1957 was the same as the Netherlands, and ahead of the United Kingdom (122 per 100,000 people) and Finland.

Education

Cuba has been among the most literate countries in Latin America since well before the Castro revolution, when it ranked fourth.

Table 1. Latin American Literacy Rates Country Latest Data Available

for 1950-53
(Percent) 2000
(Percent) % Increase
Argentina 87 97 11.5%
Cuba 76 96 26.3%
Chile 81 96 18.5%
Costa Rica 79 96 21.5%
Paraguay 68 93 36.8%
Colombia 62 92 48.4%
Panama 72 92 27.8%
Ecuador 56 92 64.3%
Brazil 49 85 73.5%
Dominican Republic 43 84 95.3%
El Salvador 42 79 88.1%
Guatemala 30 69 130%
Haiti 11 49 345.5%

Source: UN Statistical Yearbook 1957, pp. 600-602; UN Statistical Yearbook 2000, pp. 76-82.

a. Data for 1950-53 are age 10 and over. Data for 1995 are age 15 and over, reflecting a change in common usage over this period.
b. Data for Argentina 1950-53 is current as 1947 data, the latest available, and reflects ages 14 and over.
c. Data for 2000 are age 15 and over.

Consumption

• The 1960 UN Statistical yearbook ranked pre-Revolutionary Cuba third out of 11 Latin American countries in per capita daily caloric consumption. This was in spite of the fact that the latest available food consumption data for Cuba at the time was from 1948-49, almost a decade before the other Latin American countries' data being used in the comparison.

A closer look at the latest available data on some basic food groups reveals that Cubans now have less access to cereals, tubers, and meats than they had in the late 1940's. According to 1995 UN FAO data, Cuba's per capita supply of cereals has fallen from 106 kg per year in the late 1940's to 100 kg half a century later. Per capita supply of tubers and roots shows an even steeper decline, from 91 kg per year to 56 kg. Meat supplies have fallen from 33 kg per year to 23 kg per year, measured on a per capita basis.

Table 2. Latin America: Per Capita Food Consumption Country Latest Data Available for 1954-57

(Calories per day) 1995-97
(Calories per day) % Increase
Mexico 2,420 3,108 28.4%
Argentina 3,100 3,113 0.4%
Brazil 2,540 2,933 15.5%
Uruguay 2,960 2,796 -5.5%
Chile 2,330 2,774 19.1%
Colombia 2,050 2,591 26.4%
Ecuador 2,130 2,660 24.9%
Paraguay 2,690 2,570 -4.5%
Venezuela 1,960 2,388 21.8%
Honduras 2,260 2,366 4.7%
Cuba 2,730 2,417 -11.5%

Source: UN FAO Yearbook 1960, pp. 312-316; UN FAO Yearbook 2000, pp. 102-103.
a. Latest 1954-57 available data for Cuba is actually for 1948-49.

Although some would blame Cuba's food problems on the U.S. embargo, the facts suggest that the food shortages are a function of an inefficient collectivized agricultural system -and a scarcity of foreign exchange resulting from Castro's unwillingness to liberalize Cuba's economy, diversify its export base, and its need to pay off debts owed to its Japanese, European, and Latin American trading partners acquired during the years of abundant Soviet aid.
This foreign exchange shortage has severely limited Cuba's ability to purchase readily available food supplies from the U.S., Canada, Latin America, and Europe. The U.S. embargo does not prohibit Cuba from buying food in the U.S.

• The statistics on the consumption of nonfood items tell a similar story. The number of automobiles in Cuba per capita has actually fallen since the 1950's, the only country in the hemisphere for which this is the case. (Unfortunately, due to Castro’s unwillingness to publish unfavorable data, the latest available data for Cuba are from 1988.)
UN data show that the number of automobiles per capita in Cuba declined slightly between 1958 and 1988, whereas virtually every other country in the region -- with the possible exception of Nicaragua -- experienced very significant increases in this indicator. Within Latin America, Cuba ranked second only to Venezuela in 1958, but by 1988, had dropped to ninth.

Table 3. Latin America: Passenger Cars per Capita (a) Country 1958 (Cars per 1,000 inhabitants) 1988 (Cars per 1,000 inhabitants) Annual Average

Growth (Percent)
Argentina 19 129 6.6
Uruguay 22 114 5.3
Venezuela 27 94 4.3
Brazil 7 73 8.1
Mexico 11 70 6.4
Panama 16 56 4.3
Chile 7 52 6.9
Costa Rica 13 47 4.4
Cuba 24 23 -0.1
Dominican Republic 3 23 7.3
Colombia 6 21 4.3
Paraguay 3 20 6.5
Peru 7 18 3.1
Ecuador 2 15 7
Bolivia 3 12 4.7
Guatemala 6 11 2
El Salvador 7 10 1.2
Nicaragua 7 8 0.5
Honduras 3 6 2.3

(a)-For most countries, excludes police and military cars. (b)-Excludes all government cars. (c)- Includes police cars. (d)-Includes cars no longer in use. (e)-1957 (f)-1956 (g)-1987.

• Telephones are another case in point. While every other country in the region has seen its teledensity increase at least two fold -- and most have seen even greater improvements. Cuba has remained frozen at 1958 levels. In 1995, Cuba had only 3 telephone lines per 100 people, placing it 16th out of 20 Latin American countries surveyed and far behind countries that were less advanced than Cuba in this measure in 1958, such as Argentina (today 16 lines per 100 inhabitants), Costa Rica (16), Panama (11), Chile (13), and Venezuela (11). More recently, as a result of a joint venture with an Italian firm, there has been considerable investment, but current data is still unavailable from standard sources.

• Cuba also has not kept pace with the rest of Latin America in terms of radios per capita. During the late 1950's, Cuba ranked second only to Uruguay in Latin America, with 169 radios per 1,000 people. (Worldwide, this put Cuba just ahead of Japan.) At that time, Argentina and Cuba were very similar in terms of this measure. Since then, the number of radios per capita for Argentina has grown three times as fast as for Cuba. Cuba also has been surpassed by Bolivia, Venezuela, El Salvador, Honduras, and Brazil in this indicator.

• In terms of television sets per capita, 1950's Cuba was far ahead of the rest of Latin America and was among the world's leaders. Cuba had 45 television sets per 1,000 inhabitants in 1957, by far the most in Latin America and fifth in the world, behind only Monaco, the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom. In fact, its closest competitor in Latin America was Venezuela, which had only 16 television sets per 1,000 people. By 1997, Cuba had increased from 170 televisions to 239 per thousand, behind Mexico (272 per capita) and tying Uruguay for second place. Of these two countries, Uruguay in 1957 had fewer than one television per 1,000 people.

Production

Post 1959 Cuba falls short in areas of industrial production once prioritized by Soviet client states, such as electricity production. Although Cuba has never been a regional leader in public electricity production per capita, its relative ranking among 20 Latin American countries has fallen from eighth to 11th during the Castro era. In fact, in terms of the rate of growth of electricity production, in 1995 Cuba ranked 9th of 20 countries in the region.

Rice Production

• Cuba ranked fourth in the region in production of rice in 1958. Two of the countries ranking ahead of Cuba in rice production in 1958, Venezuela and Bolivia, have since seen their rice production grow by more than 28 fold through 2000. Cuba's Caribbean neighbor, the Dominican Republic, has increased its rice production by five fold since 1958. Perhaps even more telling are Cuba's yields per hectare in rice production. Whereas the Dominican Republic has increased rice yields from 2100 kg per hectare in 1958 to 5400 kg per hectare in 1996, Cuba's yields stagnated at 2500 kg per hectare, a negligible increase from the 2400 kg per hectare registered in 1958, according to UN FAO data.
Table 4. Latin America: Rice Production Country 1958

(1,000 Metric Tons) 2000
(1,000 Metric Tons) % Increase
Brazil 3,829 11,168 191.7%
Colombia 378 113 -70.1%
Ecuador 176 1,520 763.6%
Peru 285 1,665 484.1%
Argentina 217 858 295.4%
Uruguay 58 1,175 1925.9%
Venezuela 22 737 3250%
Dominican Republic 99 527 432.3%
Mexico 240 450 87.5%
Bolivia 11 310 2718.2%
Panama 86 319 271%
Cuba 261 369 41.3%
Nicaragua 33 285 764.5%
Costa Rica 34 264 677.1%
Chile 102 113 10.8%
Paraguay 20 93 365%
El Salvador 27 48 76.3%
Honduras 41 7 -82.2%
Guatemala 33 39 17.3%

Source: UN FAO Yearbook 1961, p. 50; UN FAO Yearbook 1999 Latin America, Central America, and the Carribean 2000.

a. 2000 Figures for Venezuela, Cuba, Paraguay and Guatemala are unofficial estimates.

Sugar Production

• In the 1950s, Cuba milled an average of 43.9 million metric tons of sugarcane at a rate of 507,000 metric tons per day to produce 5.63 million metric tons of sugar per year. Today, Cuba's sugar production ranges from 1 to 1.5 million metric tons per year.
Foreign Trade and Balance of Payments

• Cuba's exports have not kept pace with other countries of the region. Of the 20 countries in the region for which comparable IMF data are available, Cuba ranks last in terms of export growth -- below even Haiti. Mexico and Cuba had virtually identical export levels in 1958 -- while Mexico's population was five times Cuba's.
Since then, Cuba's exports have merely doubled while Mexico's have increased by almost 226 fold, according to IMF statistics for 2000. Cuba's exports in 1958 far exceeded those of Chile and Colombia, countries that have since left Cuba behind. The lack of diversification of Cuba's exports over the past 35 years also is remarkable, when compared with other countries in the region.
• Cuba's enviable productive base during the 1950's was strengthened by sizable inflows of foreign direct investment. As of 1958, the value of U.S. foreign direct investment in Cuba was $861 million, according to United States government figures published in 1959. Adjusting for inflation, that foreign investment number amounts to more than US 3.6 billion in today's dollars.
• Cuba also had a very favorable overall balance of payments situation during the 1950's, contrasted with the tenuous situation today. In 1958, Cuba had gold and foreign exchange reserves -- a key measure of a healthy balance of payments--totaling $387 million in 1958 dollars, according to IMF statistics.
(That level of reserves would be worth more than 3.6 billion USD in today's dollars.) Cuba's reserves were third in Latin America, behind only Venezuela and Brazil, which was impressive for a small economy with a population of fewer than 7 million people. Unfortunately, Cuba no longer publishes information on its foreign exchange and gold reserves.
Table 5. Latin America: Total Exports Country 1958

(Million USD) 2000
(Million USD)
Haiti 48 324
Panama 23 772
Nicaragua 71 941
Bolivia 65 1,098
Paraguay 34 1,099
Chile 389 1216
Dominican Republic 136 1,544
Cuba 732 1,544
Uruguay 139 2,295
El Salvador 116 2,973
Honduras 70 4,123
Guatemala 103 4,206
Ecuador 95 5,546
Peru 291 6,920
Costa Rica 92 7,729
Colombia 461 13,115
Argentina 994 26,663
Venezuela 2,319 34,038
Brazil 1,243 56,138
Mexico 736 166,455

Source: IMF Direction of Trade Statistics.

Mass Media

During the 1950's, the Cuban people were probably among the most informed in the world, living in an uncharacteristically large media market for such a small country. Cubans had a choice of 58 daily newspapers during the late 1950's, according to the UN statistical yearbook. Despite its small size, this placed Cuba behind only Brazil, Argentina, and Mexico in the region. By 1992, government controls had reduced the number of dailies to only 17.
There has also been a reduction in the number of radio and television broadcasting stations, although the UN no longer reports these statistics. However, it should be noted that in 1957, Cuba had more television stations (23) than any other country in Latin America, easily outdistancing larger countries such as Mexico (12 television stations) and Venezuela (10). It also led Latin America and ranked eighth in the world in number of radio stations (160), ahead of such countries as Austria (83 radio stations), United Kingdom (62), and France (50), according to the UN statistical yearbook.

_________________________________________________
*Unless otherwise indicated, all information is from the UN Statistical Yearbook; the Statistical Abstract for Latin America; and the Bureau of Inter-American Affairs, U.S. Department of State.

The CTP can be contacted at P.O. Box 248174, Coral Gables, Florida 33124-3010, Tel: 305-284-CUBA (2822), Fax: 305-284-4875, and by email at [email protected]. The CTP Website is accessible at http://ctp.iccas.miami.edu.





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This IDB editorial adds timelines, reliable data and facts to the 50 years of Fidel Castro rule in Cuba.

Communist Cuba: 50 Years Of Failure

By INVESTOR'S BUSINESS DAILY | Posted Tuesday, December 30, 2008 4:20 PM PT

Communism: New Year's Day marks 50 years of communist rule in Cuba. The Castro oligarchy will trumpet its survival and celebrate. But the reality, up close, is that it's the longest-running failure in the New World.

Spare us the fireworks and media-parroted claims of Fidel Castro's dictatorship bringing universal health care and education to Cuba. The real story is that a prosperous Cuba was turned into ruins in just five decades.

Its inflation-adjusted gross domestic product is a mere 5% of what it was in 1958, the year before Castro took over, according to Jorge Salazar-Carillo of Florida International University.

"It's a major failure," Carmelo Mesa-Lago, a University of Pittsburgh economist, told IBD. "Cuba is unable to increase food production to meet its needs and now imports 84% of its food. Cuba produced 7 million tons of sugar in 1952. This year, it's 1.5 million tons. This is the result of economic policy of collectivization, killing of individual incentive, inefficiency, constant changes of policy."

Reliable data are hard to come by. S&P refuses to rate the country for that reason. The regime conceals its failures. But if long lines at the Spanish embassy seeking immigration aren't enough of an indicator, the chronology of Cuba's economy tell an important story:

1957: Cuban GDP is about $2.8 billion, unadjusted for inflation.

1959: Castro and his guerrillas take over and begin confiscating U.S.-owned private businesses.


1960: President Eisenhower imposes trade embargo, excluding food and medicine; Castro responds by "rapidly nationalizing most U.S. enterprises," as he himself wrote.
1961: President Kennedy tightens the embargo. Castro blames it for plant shutdowns, parts shortages and 7,000 transportation breakdowns a month, leaving 25% of public buses inoperable. He then targets Cuban companies for expropriation.

1962: Begins food rationing. Half of passenger rail cars go out of service from lack of maintenance.

1963: President Kennedy freezes Cuban assets in the U.S.

1965: Signs deal with USSR to reschedule $500 million in debt.

1966: Signs new deal with Soviets for $91 million in trade credits.

1968: Begins petroleum rationing, says Soviets cut supplies.

1969: Begins sugar rationing in January, announces state plan to produce 10 million tons of sugar by the following year.

1970: Castro announces only 8.5 million tons of sugar produced. Blames U.S. Diverts 85% of all Cuban trade to the USSR.

1973: Tries for the first time to tie wages to productivity.

1974: Ramps up wartime spending to send 3,000 Cuban troops to Africa. It hits $125 per person, highest in Latin America, by 1988.

1975: President Ford announces softening of the embargo, letting foreign subsidiaries of U.S. companies sell products in Cuba.

1979: President Carter lets Cuban-Americans visit family in Cuba. Soviet aid totals $17 billion from 1961-79, or 30% of Cuba's GDP.

1980: Economic hardship forces Castro to permit farmers to sell surplus to state quotas in private markets with unregulated prices. 100,000 Cubans flee the island for the U.S. via the Mariel boatlift.

1982: Cuba doubles military spending. President Reagan re-establishes travel ban and prohibits spending money on the island.

1983: Cuba signs accord in Paris to refinance its foreign debt.

1984: "Armed Forces of Latin America" yearbook says: "Cuba is probably the world's most completely militarized country."

1985: Cuba signs new debt restructuring, blaming Mexico's crisis for its debacle. Permits selling of private housing for the first time. Total aid from USSR since 1961 hits $40 billion.

1986: Castro defaults on $10.9 billion in Paris Club debt. Blames sugar prices. Abolishes coffee breaks, cuts subsidies. Soviets give $3 billion more in credit and aid. Castro bans farmers markets.

1987: Stops paying entirely on $10.9 billion Paris Club debts.

1988: Forbids release of inflation data, making it impossible for researchers to assess Cuban economic performance.

1990: By official statistics, GDP per capita declines 10.3%.

1991: Sugar crop falls to 7 million tons. Politburo purged. USSR ends $5 billion in subsidies. "Special Period" of austerity begins.

1992: Horse-drawn carts replace cars, oxen replace Soviet tractors. Time magazine reports tin cans are recycled into drinking cups and banana peels into Cuban sandals.

1993: World Bank says GDP contracts 15.1% per capita, as industrial output plunges 40% per person.

1994: Some private-sector activity permitted. GDP per capita shows no growth, but Castro hails "recovery." Agricultural output down 54% from 1989, with sugar at 4 million tons. Castro blames bad finances, and "errors and inefficiency." Food consumption, according to USDA, falls 36%. Some 32,000 Cubans flee for Florida.

1995: Havana admits GDP fell 35% from 1989 to 1993. Vice President Carlos Lage claims GDP grew 2.5%, as inflation hits 19%.

1996: Castro hikes private business taxes. President Clinton tightens embargo. Castro claims GDP rose to 7% in year.

1997: GDP reported up 2.5%, falling short of 5% projection. Failed sugar harvest, bad weather, crop pests, foreign debts blamed.

1998: GDP growth claimed at 1.2% with no inflation. U.S. embargo, global financial crisis, low commodity prices, too much rainfall, Hurricane Georges and severe drought blamed. Castro urges other debtor nations to form a cartel.

1999: GDP claimed at 6.2%. Subsidies from Venezuela begin. Castro blames U.S. dollar for woes and urges use of the euro.

2000: Cuban court rules U.S. owes Cuba $121 billion for embargo.

2001: 3.6% GDP growth, output remains below 1989. Blames loss of subsidies, second-worst sugar harvest ever at 3.5 million tons.

2002: Freezes dollar sales to preserve foreign reserves. Shuts down 118 factories due to power shortages. Buys $125 million in U.S. food. Defaults on $750 million in Japanese debts.

2003: Earns more tight sanctions from President Bush and European Union over dissident roundups. GDP rises just 1.8%.

2004: Castro declares GDP a capitalist instrument, adjusts calculations, declares GDP growing at 5%.

2005: Foreign firms asked to leave and market liberalization scrapped. Imports hit three-times the level of exports. Hurricanes blamed for falling farm output. Sugar figures not released. Castro calls economic crisis an "enemy fabrication." Claims GDP up 11%.

2006: Castro claims 12.5% economic growth, "despite the crippling effects of the U.S. embargo," Luxner News notes.

2007: 7.5% GDP growth claimed; adverse weather said to have affected construction and agriculture.

2008: 4.3% GDP growth claimed, far short of 8% forecast. "One of the most difficult years since the collapse of the Soviet Union," economy minister says. Hurricanes and fuel prices blamed.

That, in sum, is Cuba after 50 years. But lest you get the wrong idea, Cuba hasn't failed at everything: "Given their goal — to destroy capitalism and entrench themselves — they're a success," said Humberto Fontova, an expert on Castro's regime.



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Unlike most of the other journalists who in their quest to appease the regime avoid the nasty and dirty details of the revolution's atrocities, Alan Caruba asks a very poignant question in regards to all the celebrations going on in commemoration of the 50th anniversary of Cuba's revolution: what is there to celebrate?

Cuba Celebrates, But Why?

By Alan Caruba
CFP, Saturday, January 3, 2009

The year that I graduated from the University of Miami, 1959, Fidel Castro and his guerrilla, revolutionary forces swept into Havana to replace the dictator Fulgencio Batista with a new dictator, Fidel.

The New York Times hailed it as a new birth of freedom in Cuba because their reporter in Cuba never had a clue that Fidel was a communist. He was a “freedom fighter” and his target was the regime backed by the U.S. Even then, anything that bodes ill for the U.S. was considered by The Times as a good thing. Two years later, the U.S. slapped an embargo on Cuba that remains today with the exception of some agricultural products which, not surprisingly, must be paid for in advance.

There were a number of Cuban nationals, the sons and daughters of wealthy Cubans, who were students at the University of Miami when I was there and I have always wondered what happened to them. Those that returned made a big mistake.

Cuba, of course, was page one news when the Russians tried to put offensive missile bases there. For fourteen days in October 1962, President John F. Kennedy and Soviet Prime Minister Nikita Krushchev looked for a way to avoid World War III. Reportedly, Fidel wanted to launch some missiles, but the Russians were neither suicidal nor stupid.

I took a particular interest in events because I found myself and fellow soldiers of the 2nd Engineer Battalion, Second Infantry Division, in full battle gear and readiness to invade Cuba if necessary. The whole of Fort Benning, Georgia was ready to go to war. Fortunately, the U.S. naval blockade worked and the Russians pulled out their missiles. Shortly thereafter, I became a civilian again.

Anyone who tells you that the Russians have changed much since those days is blowing smoke up your skirt. On Tuesday, December 30, they cut off all natural gas supplies to the Ukraine. They did this back in 2006 to several European nations. Communists are essentially gangsters. They do not operate according to accepted market-based conditions and standards.

The lesson we can draw from Cuba is that communism just doesn’t work. It has never worked anywhere it was imposed or is the economic system. When the Soviet Union collapsed, the Cuban government lost an estimated $4 to $6 billion in subsidies. Cuba blames the United States for all its woes, but that’s the game every dictatorial regime around the world plays.

Along with Red China, some exploration for oil is occurring ninety miles off the coast of Florida, a State that so far has refused to allow any U.S. offshore oil exploration. What is wrong with this picture?

I’m guessing that President-elect Obama will want to get rid of the embargo and a Democrat-controlled Congress will go along with it. Cuba’s economy has been hard hit by successive hurricanes in recent years. There are some exports and there is some tourism, particularly of the sex variety which the government winks at.

Its best export were the Cubans that fled the nation when the could and even when they couldn’t.

Among the litany of disgraceful behavior with which we associate former President Bill Clinton was his return of then six-year-old Elian Gonzalez to Cuba after Attorney General Janet Reno had him forcibly seized from his Miami relatives in 2000. The child’s mother had died in an effort to bring him to America, but U.S. courts ruled that his relatives could not request asylum. It was a total failure to honor the nation’s historic role as a refuge for the oppressed.

Fidel Castro is now 82 years old and in poor health. His brother Raul runs the country. The loathsome butcher, Che Guevara, has long since been anointed the symbol of revolution communist-style. How many Cubans were executed by the “revolution” or jailed will never been known.

Cuba is the antithesis of freedom. So one has to ask, what is there to celebrate on the fiftieth anniversary of the oppression of the Cuban people?

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Professor Eire article about the 50th anniversary of Fidel Castro revolution achievement in Cuba is worthy of reading.

Castro's One 'Hell' of an Achievement

By Carlos Eire
http://www.realclearworld.com/articles/2009/01/castros_one_hell_of_an_achieve.html

Fifty Years ago Fidel and Raul Castro hijacked an entire island, and ever since that New Year’s day, they have never relaxed their grip on it. What can one say about such an anniversary, if one is Cuban? This fateful date hovers over all of us like a mushroom cloud, smothering our past, present, and future.

Fidel Castro always boasted that he and his so-called Revolution were loved by “the Cuban people,” and many have believed him. Don’t let that fool you. “The Cuban people” he spoke about were a grotesque abstraction, a figment of his imagination that he successfully projected onto the world stage. He loved to speak for all Cubans, and to think of himself as our embodiment. Yet he betrayed each and every Cuban, simply because he demonized all of us who disagreed with him, and enslaved a whole nation in the name of eternal class warfare, creating new elites who dedicated themselves to suppressing their neighbor’s rights. If you objected to his self-anointing as Maximum Leader or questioned his quixotic schemes, two painful choices were open to you. Just two. And nothing has changed under Raul.

One option was to oppose the so-called Revolution. But if you dared, even by murmuring in the dark, you faced certain imprisonment, torture, or death at the hands of the new elites. Hundreds of thousands of Cubans were brave enough to choose that path, but the world at large never paid much attention to them, or simply denied their existence. The other option was to beg for perpetual banishment. Nearly two million Cubans chose that route, but millions more never got the chance. No one knows for sure how many thousands have drowned at sea while trying to escape.

Exile is never easy, but it is even harder when you are turned into a villain. Fidel loved to portray all of us exiles as arrogant troglodytes who refused to share in the dreams of “the Cuban people” as he imagined them. We were vilified, stripped of our land, our families, and all our belongings, down to wedding rings and family photos. We were picked clean, and the new elites got to keep everything. And many around the world still think of us as selfish louts.

Those who remained behind lost a lot too, besides their basic human rights. As they waved their Cuban flags at mandatory rallies and waited in line with their ration books for scraps, and as they listened to countless promises about a very distant glorious future, they saw other Cubans oozing out of the island in a steady stream, like blood from a gaping wound. And they also had to watch everything crumble around them, helplessly, while new hotels sprang up and hordes of privileged tourists from the capitalist world flowed in like toxic sludge, to exploit them, the ragged noble savages, and to gawk at their ruins and reclaim Cuba as their tawdry playground.

We exiles are always asked: aren’t the free medical care and education provided by the Revolution a great achievement? “No,” we say, speaking from first-hand experience, as the only people on earth fully qualified to comment on this subject. Those programs are a sham, and their cost insufferably high. Fidel and Raul have always claimed that “the Cuban people” were incapable of achieving social justice by any means other than those dictated by them. Their legacy, like that of all despots, rests on violence: repression is the heart and soul of their Orwellian notion of social justice, which demands that free expression be stifled at every turn, and that everyone live in abject poverty, save the elites.

In the long run, it matters little that all sorts of false claims are made for Cuba’s woefully inadequate health care and education programs. Within the island itself, the state constantly reminds Cubans that they owe everything to “the Revolution” and must therefore obey it unconditionally, like slaves on a plantation. In sum, the Revolution owns you, body and soul: no subservience, no benefits.

The ultimate legacy of the Revolution may very well be its utter contempt for Cubans. For half a century now, Cuba’s leaders have strangled all political discourse, poisoning whatever common future all of us Cubans could have hoped for. The Castro regime has not only expelled twenty percent of the population and ripped apart millions of families, but also fanned hatred and intolerance. In the process, the Revolution turned us all into beggars of one sort or another, either in our own homeland or in exile, and bequeathed to us a destitute island prison, part brothel, part work camp, part freak show, where the only way to escape despair –short of suicide-- is to flee, or to become an agent of repression.

That is one hell of an achievement. Hell itself, one might say.

Carlos Eire is the T. Lawrason Riggs Professor of History and Religious Studies at Yale University and author of "Waiting for Snow in Havana," winner of 2003 National Book Award, nonfiction.

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Great piece in the UK's Times. Read it and judge for yourself.

The hellish mindset of Cuba-enthusiasts

Minette Marrin
From The Sunday Times
January 4, 2009
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/comment/columnists/minette_marrin/art icle5439307.ece

Cuba - what a word to conjure with. And what nonsense people have used it to conjure up for half a century now. Those who are determined to see Cuba through the rosy tints of revolutionary spectacles have for decades claimed the country as proof that socialism can work; a Cuban David was able to stand up to the western Goliaths of colonialism and corruption, and Castro's revolution 50 years ago last week brought peace and plenty - or, if not exactly plenty (given the wicked US blockade), then something better in the shape of brotherly and sisterly content and hospitals far better than those of the National Health Service.

All my adult life this has completely infuriated me. I cannot count the number of friends and acquaintances - at one time almost everyone in the BBC - who have flocked to Cuba and come back with socialist stars in their eyes. It has been extremely irritating to be lectured on Cuba's moral rebuke to capitalist democracies by people who actually knew nothing about the place - even less, very often, than I did. Cubans are happy, they claimed; it's a joyful, free society, full of hospitable, joyful people.

There was absolutely no arguing with them; the facts, or rather the absence of facts, simply did not bother them. And that is what is odd. What is the point of admiring something you know very little about?

No doubt there are good things to be said about Cuba. It's even possible that there are good things to be said about Fidel Castro's social experiments. But the point is that most people know little about any of it for the simple reason that for half a century it has been hard to discover any truths about Cuba. Almost since the revolution it has been a police state with a high proportion of political prisoners; there has been little or no freedom of expression or association, and people wanting to leave have been severely penalised. That has not stopped many thousands of Cubans trying to get away on little rafts, braving dangerous waters rather than stay with Papa Fidel.

Under such circumstances Cubans have not usually dared to tell visitors much, least of all tourists from the western media. Yet foreign friends of Cuba have willingly allowed themselves to be bamboozled; they have let themselves believe about Cuba whatever either Castro or their own romantic tendencies chose. Most useful idiots share with the rest of us a love of the wonderful Cuban band the Buena Vista Social Club, with its distinctly prerevolutionary Cubansonmusic, from the American film of 1999. Perhaps they are not aware that the band had been silenced nearly 40 years earlier. When, soon after the revolution in 1959, the new government decided to close down cultural and social centres and put countless musicians and artists out of work, the Buena Vista Social Club band was closed down too, until brought back together again in the musicians' old age - by westerners.

It is a rule of thumb that anyone given to praising Cuba under Castro is a person of poor judgment. This has nothing to do with how much or how little Castro achieved; it has to do with what is necessary for good judgment. An essential part of good judgment is a respect for facts and, in the absence of many facts, a willingness to suspend judgment. It is an intellectual and a moral mistake to become cheerleaders in ignorance. It is the mark of a useful idiot, like those famous western cheerleaders for the communist USSR who were secretly despised by the Soviet leaders.

Useful idiots have always been a mystery to me. When I was an undergraduate in the late 1960s, student radicals would always proudly announce that although socialism might have failed in the USSR - it was never properly tried, they claimed - it worked in the People's Republic of China. Then I went to live for several years in Hong Kong, off the coast of mainland China, and began to learn a few facts. It wasn't easy to learn much, as China was a closed and paranoid society, difficult to visit and almost impossible for the Chinese to leave. But I couldn't help noticing that almost every day bodies were washed up, mauled by sharks, of people who were prepared to brave the shark-infested waters, tied to air beds because they could not swim, in their desperate longing to escape the repression of communist China. This was in the early 1970s in the years following the horrors of the cultural revolution.

None of this stopped useful idiots, such as Jane Fonda and many even more distinguished western commentators, from coming through Hong Kong, on their way to cheerleaders' tours of China, and announcing that China was a light unto the nations. They were absolutely deaf to any argument, including the knockdown and objective argument that the People's Republic made it difficult to know any facts. There wasn't any information.

When I went to China in 1974 we were spied on and saw nothing that was not planned, and this surveillance continued for years. When Mao Tse-tung died in 1976, large numbers of professional western "China-watchers" in Hong Kong admitted privately that they had no idea who Deng Xiaoping (his successor) was. The Chinese government's statistics - and I edited for a while something called the China Trade Report - were a joke.

Yet these unquantifiable triumphs of Maoist China were solemnly quoted by people who should have known better. China's economic triumphs were boasted among the bien pensants; they refused to discuss why other cultures in Asia, such as Singapore, Malaysia, South Korea and Thailand, had done much better without communism. And why didn't the cheerleaders listen to the stories of the hundreds of thousands of people in Hong Kong who had escaped from China? Coming home for holidays I found my former student friends - now in television and academe - deaf to all evidence against Maoism.

Why are people so wilfully credulous? It is one of life's many mysteries but it's clearly deeply rooted in human nature. Even Gordon Brown, even now, has his supporters, who still believe in his masterful handling of our economy. Some people seem to need heroes and fantasies so badly that they are prepared to disregard not just the evidence but also the lack of it. My new year's resolution for myself and for everybody else is to keep asking what the evidence is. And the retort to people who can't or won't produce any is: Cuba.

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... "Victorin" must be Swedish for "Stupid"

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A picture is worth a thousand words. In this case the image of Chr Guevara on the wall says it all.

Cuba: A Photograph as Metaphor
Fausta Wertz
January 04, 2009
http://www.realclearworld.com/blog/2009/01/cuba_a_photograph_as_metaph or.html

Cuba celebrated fifty years of its Communist Revolution the other day. It was a subdued celebration, as befits a celebration where the locals were not invited, and where the anniversary is marked by grief.

I was doing a roundup of posts for my blog's Monday Carnival of Latin America and the Caribbean when I came across this image:


http://www.realclearworld.com/blog/che_1215322c.jpg

The rusted wrought-iron balconies and fading handcrafted doors look back to an older era of artisanship and pride of ownership, now gone. Paint colors from decades ago, stucco coming apart from the wall, graffiti and mold, signal decay and pain.

Hope has bypassed that wall.

The photograph is in an article about Steven Soderbergh's latest movie, Che, but it is emblematic of today's Cuba: the only recent paint that building has seen is the iconic figure of Che (most prominently the Korda photo), whose myth and fiction override the reality of the hundreds of people he killed:

But a glance beneath the surface glamour of Alberto Korda's 1960 beret-and-curls photograph of Guevara is enough to expose the less-than-romantic reality. At the time he posed for Korda's camera, Guevara was jailer and executioner-in-chief of Castro's dictatorship. As boss of the notorious La Cabaña prison in Havana, he supervised the detention, interrogation, summary trials and executions of hundreds of "class enemies".

We know from Ernest Hemingway – then a Cuban resident – what Che was up to. Hemingway, who had looked kindly on leftist revolutions since the Spanish civil war, invited his friend George Plimpton, editor of the Paris Review, to witness the shooting of prisoners condemned by the tribunals under Guevara's control. They watched as the men were trucked in, unloaded, shot, and taken away. As a result, Plimpton later refused to publish Guevara's memoir, The Motorcycle Diaries.

There have been some 16,000 such executions since the Castro brothers, Guevara and their merry men swept into Havana in January 1959. About 100,000 Cubans who have fallen foul of the regime have been jailed. Two million others have succeeded in escaping Castro's socialist paradise, while an estimated 30,000 have died in the attempt.

The building it's painted on, like hundreds of other buildings in Cuba, won't be restored, or for that matter, brought back to minimum standards because it's not a tourist destination or owned by a Communist Party big-shot. Since in Cuba only the state has the right to sell property, and the average wage is $20 a month, the only way that building got new paint was a picture of Che. Like the Revolución, even that image is showing cracks.

The woman in front of the building looks at the contents of a small shopping bag, where she may be carrying the meager rations that Fidel Castro introduced in the country in 1962, rations that compare to that which Cuban slaves received in the 1840s.

A month's rations would fit in that bag.

Of course there's a propaganda aspect, and the Cuban government places the blame for nearly everything on the USA and the embargo, el bloqueo, even when the US is Cuba's #5 trading partner according to the Cuban government's own figures:

Trade data for 2007 posted on the website of Cuba's National Statistics Office placed the U.S. fifth at $582 million, compared with $484 million in 2006, including shipping costs.
By the way, food and medicine were never subject to the embargo.

The huge painting of the Che image is on a wall that has been decaying for decades, as the Revolución that brought it.

Fausta Wertz also blogs at faustasblog.com.

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Great column in The Scotsman about the 50th anniversary of Castro "revolution" in Cuba.

Life ends at 50 for deluded acolytes of Castro's revolution

Gerald Warner
SOS News columnists
04 January 2009
http://news.scotsman.com/comment/Gerald-Warner-Life-ends-at.4841675.jp

SORRY to intrude a melancholy note into the festive climate of New Year, but there is mounting concern over the state of health of the Maximum Leader. As the world celebrates the 50th anniversary of the Cuban revolution, Fidel Castro remains as conspicuous by his absence from the public forum as he has consistently been since July 2006. The question now exercising bien-pensant commentators is whether the Leader of All Progressive Humanity is actually dead.

Fidel missed his 80th birthday party when even a specially imported medical vehicle for his transportation and a custom-built abdominal brace to enable him to stand proved inadequate to render him fit for public display. Fortunately, Cuba being a Marxist state
the dynastic succession of Fidel's brother Raul obviates any unseemly jockeying for power in an election or any such destabilising phenomenon.

The 50th anniversary of the revolution without Fidel is Hamlet without the prince. Yet there is so much to celebrate. The average salary of Cubans is now £17 a month; food imports, on an island that should be self-sufficient, cost £1.4bn a year; on the index of economic freedom Cuba ranks 150th out of 157 nations; clearly, capitalist materialism is not a threat to the Caribbean's Potemkin village. Marxism enriches: we know this because Fidel's personal fortune is $900m – sufficient to gain him entry to Forbes magazine.

Castro is as much a hero to the Left as Pinochet was a bogeyman. At first blush, this is puzzling. Castro has executed 16,000 people and imprisoned more than 100,000 in labour camps. While liberals around the globe agonise over Guantanamo, they do not even know the names of the camps in Castro's gulag: Kilo 5.5, Pinar del Rio, Kilo 7, the Capitiolo, for children up to age 10 (political incorrectness can manifest itself at a very early age). Two million of Fidel's ungrateful subjects have fled his socialist paradise, more than 30,000 have died in the attempt.

Yet any socialist will tell you Pinochet was the real villain. In fact, his coup was launched to pre-empt a self-coup by Salvador Allende and his Cuban, East German and North Korean-trained militia, quaintly known as the Groups of Personal Friends. It followed a resolution of the Chilean Chamber of Deputies that Allende had failed to respect the constitution and it was subsequently validated by a referendum in 1980 when Pinochet won 67% support.

The referendum was rigged, claim leftists. In that case, why did Pinochet not also rig the 1988 referendum, which went against him, after which he restored full democracy and surrendered power? When leftists were trying to draw up a dossier of alleged murders against Pinochet, they were dismayed to find not only that the number of deaths fell far below the 500,000 reported by Moscow Radio, but it was difficult to push the figure up to the 3,000 mark, regarded as iconic.

They eventually succeeded – by the simple procedure of including in the statistics those who were killed fighting for Pinochet, as well as those against him. You have to accord the Left credit for its chutzpah, if not its veracity.

Castro, who killed many times the number that Pinochet did – and in cold blood – remains a hero to the useful idiots of the western commentariat because murdering members of the bourgeoisie is just breaking eggs to make the Marxist omelette, whereas killing Reds is an intolerable abuse of human rights. Nobody epitomised this ambivalence better than 'Che' Guevara, who enjoyed executions so much he had a window in his office overlooking the prison yard.

Whenever a mother visited him to plead for the life of her totally innocent son, Che would demonstrate his revolutionary sense of humour by having the young man shot in front of her. The one execution he did not seem to enjoy was his own ("I'm Che! I'm more use to you alive!").

Fidel es un pais ("Fidel is a country") proclaim the propaganda billboards in Havana. Unhappily, the twinkling-eyed mass murderer they celebrate is in no condition to embark on a Five Year Plan. His last remaining usefulness is to highlight the moral illiteracy of the Left.

To be a socialist is to fail a very low-grade intelligence test. Just as "bastard feudalism" heralded the death throes of that system, bastard socialism spawned by panic reaction to a recession is currently imparting a spurious appearance of life to the collectivist corpse. This is the last guttering of the candle flame before eternal night closes in on a failed ideology. Fidel, however, will be too otherwise disposed to notice the demise of the Marxist nightmare in tandem with his own.

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The ultimate absurdity: Communist claiming that a lack of free trade has impoverished Cuba.

What is communism but an embargo placed on the people by the state?

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And what did the US embargo do? You can blame all those figures from 2006 on the *beep* Americans and their embargo! Although Cuba still trades with some western countries like UK, it isn't enough.

My theory on Feds is that they're like mushrooms: feed them *beep* keep them in the dark.

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The United States government’s embargo has had little effect on the Cuban economy, since it only represents 6% of Cuba’s commerce with the rest of the world. The embargo only affects the American companies and their subsidiaries. The rest of the countries, a 180 since the last count in 2007, and companies are free to conduct business with Cuba and are doing so, as confirmed by imports surpassing $10.00 billions during 2007. In reality there is not such embargo since in the year 2000 the United States Congress lifted the prohibition of the sale of agricultural products and medicines to Cuba, thereby allowing Castro’s regime to buy everything it needs.

From December 2001 up to December 2007, the Castro’s regime had signed contracts for more than $2.00 billions with American companies for the purchases of their products. The U.S.-Cuba Trade and Economic Council, based on analysis of official figures of the Castro’s regime, has estimated the import of U.S. agricultural products in $437 millions during 2007. Cuba's National Statistics Office (www.one.cu) placed the United States as Cuba’s fifth business partner at $582 million in 2007.

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Cuba: A Cemetery of Hopes

By Theodore Dalrymple
FrontPageMagazine.com | 1/5/2009
http://www.frontpagemagazine.com/Articles/Read.aspx?GUID=35F97388-4384 -4DAA-A0EF-D6D398A0A975

To mark the fiftieth anniversary of the Cuban Revolution, the French newspaper, Le Monde, which is vastly more informative about the world than any English-language journal (and therefore loses a lot of money), had a four-page spread.

What was surprising about the tone of three of these four pages, written by Frenchmen, was their hostility to the Revolution. This was surprising because the newspaper is generally left-leaning, and for a very long time the French left felt a deep sympathy for Castro and his dictatorship. From Sartre to Madame Mitterand, prominent French personalities have raised shameful hosannas to the Cuban caudillo and all his works. Last Saturday, in the market of the rich and bourgeois little town near which I live in France, Che Guevara T-shirts were still for sale.

The special correspondent, Guillaume Carpentier, did not mince his words. Under a headline ‘Broken down roads and crumbling facads, empty markets, closed cinemas and bookshops: fifty years after the triumphal entry of the barbudos into the most beautiful city in Latin America, disillusion reigns in Havana,’ he writes:

Practically all cinemas have shut down. Of the 135 cinemas that Havana had – more than Paris or New York – no more than 20 remain open. With nationalisation, they closed one by one, for lack of maintenance, films or electricity... Havana, Cubans complain, is a cemetery of cinemas. It is also a cemetery of bookshops, markets, shops... In short, Cuba is a cemetery of hopes.

All that’s left for Cubans, says the correspondent, is black humour, nourished by rumours, always denied, of Castro’s death. A man called Ernesto, named after Guevara by his mother who greatly admired the unwashed comandante, told the correspondent that ‘Castro is held up by props, like all the buildings in old Havana.’

Ernest hated Guevara and the official adulation of which he is the object. ‘I’ve lost fifty years of my life thanks to this regime, and my engineer’s salary gives me enough to eat for ten days a month.’

An old sympathiser with the Revolution, a woman called Martha, complains about how a foreign-currency store has opened on the site of the Woolworth Ten-Cent store where she worked before the Revolution. She complains that the prices in the foreign currency store (open only to those who receive remittances from abroad) are twice to four times those in the United States.

‘It’s armed robbery,’ she said. ‘It’s even more astonishing that the store should be on the site of the Ten Cent store, whose philosophy was to lower the prices as much as possible for the working classes, and where everything was available.’ And then, demonstrating how even relatively simple ideas do not necessarily penetrate people’s minds even after fifty years of bitter experience, she adds that she does not understand why a socialist enterprise should sell much dearer than a capitalist one.

A long article by Alain Abellard entitled "The Birth of a Myth" describes the mendacity of Castroite historiography. He does not deny that Castro was a most remarkable man: his exploits were among the most remarkable of the Twentieth Century. But remarkable and good are different qualities. Abellard points out that Cuba had a literacy rate of 80 per cent in 1959, its per capita income in 1953 was more or less that of Italy’s (and the 22nd in rank in the whole world), that Italians and Spaniards still emigrated to it in search of a better life, its health system was the second best in Latin America, it had the third largest economy in Latin America, it produced 80 per cent of its food (now it is only 20 per cent, and that at a reduced level of consumption), it was far less given over to prostitution than it is now, and that Cubans now say ‘Everything is rationed, except the police and disillusion.’

Abellard writes:

When he entered Havana on 8th January, 1959, Castro could not have imagined for a single moment the extent to which the facades of this marvellous city, built from 1513 onwards by the Spanish, and elaborated over four centuries, were going to become, after decades of tropical socialism, a temple of disrepair, an open air museum of ruins.

From the very first, the author states, Castro deceived his followers and lied his way to absolute power. Many of his close associates learnt this to their cost. Camilo Cienfuegos disappeared in mysterious circumstances; Huber Matos spent twenty years in prison in appalling conditions; Carlos Franqui fled. Even the dreadful Ernesto Guevara was more useful to Castro dead than alive.

Now of course none of this is new: it is very old news indeed. What is new is the frankness with which it is all acknowledged. It seems that there is a natural history of acknowledgement by western intellectuals of the horrors of socialist revolutions: it takes about half a century for the penny to drop.

Americans, however, will no doubt take patriotic pride in the rearguard action fought in the pages of Le Monde by the former chief of the American mission in Cuba, and now professor of Latin American studies at Johns Hopkins University, Wayne Smith. Interviewed by the newspaper, he was asked about human rights abuses in Cuba. The Cuban regime – he said – is not democratic. It is an authoritarian regime... But the policy of the United States hasn’t helped. Each time Washington threatens the Cuban Revolution, the authorities react against opponents by accusing them of being American agents.

Let us pass over the designation ‘authoritarian,’ when what the professor meant, or ought to have meant, was ‘totalitarian.’ What he seems to be implying is that, if only the Americans had been friendly towards Cuba, Castro would be a freedom-loving constitutionalist. If Cubans are now denied the most elementary of freedoms, the responsibility is shared between the Cuban and American governments. This is so preposterous (and, incidentally morally grandiose and deeply imperialistic, in that it seems to imply that not a sparrow falls but that our father in Washington is behind its death) that refutation is a waste of words.

That a man can know as much as the professor and yet understand so little is perhaps a tribute to the complexity of the human psyche. Asked how the Cuban Revolution became communist, he answered:

Fidel Castro wasn’t a communist when he arrived in power. He had no intention of aligning himself with the Soviet Union. The turning point was the Bay of Pigs, in April, 1961. To defend himself from American armed action, he turned to the Soviet Union. While the invasion was taking place... he made a speech announcing ‘the socialist revolution.’

Let me here quote a phrase from the special correspondent’s article. ‘With the nationalisation in 1960 of all commercial, industrial and cultural activities...’

Let me quote also from Alain Abellard’s article:

The only attitude that Fidel Castro had for certain [when he came to power] ... was his anti-Americanism. In a letter of 6 June, 1958, written from the Sierra Maestra, Fidel Castro expressed himself clearly: ‘When this war is finished, a much longer and more important war will begin: that which I am going to lead against the North Americans. I am sure that that is my true destiny.’

In summary, Castro wanted nationalisation and he wanted war with America. But, for Professor Smith, the primary blame for Cuba’s half century of penury and totalitarian mendacity lies with America. Can imperialism go further?

Theodore Dalrymple, a physician, is a contributing editor of City Journal and the Dietrich Weismann Fellow at the Manhattan Institute.

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You can write what you like, but the fact is: Cuban society wasn't nearly as integrated and assimilated before Castro. During Batista's regime Afro-Cubans were supressed and had lesser rights than the "white" Cubans. Famous athletes such as Teofilio Stevenson, Felix Savon and Javier Sotomayor (who I believe is part Afro) all praised Fidel's regime and have never even considered defecting to the States.

My theory on Feds is that they're like mushrooms: feed them *beep* keep them in the dark.

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Even though blacks represent over 65% of Cuba's pupulation today, they occupy none of the highest political offices, which are all held by whites.

Batista, by contrast, was the only Cuban president of African decent (he was half black) and was heavily supported by Afro Cubans, few of whom supported Castro.

http://www.economist.com/node/12851254

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I have always wondered why the left is never curious about why people like Elian Gonzales' mother would sacrifice life, imprisonment, and risk shark infested waters in what amount to Huckleberry Finn rafts for the hope ( not promise) of a better life.

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Who says blacks make up 65%?!? Are you sure of that?? You must be thinking of people with black blood, they are not all 100% black necessarily. As far as I know, whites are the most dominant race with mulattos right behind. Blacks are over-represented in all sports. The Cuban women's volleyball team is all-black, so is the basketball team I bet.

My theory on Feds is that they're like mushrooms: feed them *beep* keep them in the dark.

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Forbes magazine article explains the economic woes of the Cuban people and how things only look like they are going to get worse for them.

Anniversary Finds Cuba In Economic Distress

Oxford Analytica, 01.05.09, 6:00 AM ET

The Cuban Revolution on Jan. 1 celebrated its 50th anniversary within a bleak economic context. The end-of-the-year session of Cuba's National Assembly highlighted the country's severe economic difficulties. The leadership stressed the need to cut down on state subsidies and raise salaries, but did not spell out any single reform.

Financial squeeze. After 50 years of revolution, Raul Castro used his address to the National Assembly to prepare the population for more hardship to come. Apart from the devastation created by 2008's three hurricanes, Raul stressed the external financial squeeze:

--Falling export prices have reduced hard-currency income; nickel has been hit particularly hard, with revenues cut by over one third in 2008 compared with 2007.

--As Cuba imports at least 80% of foodstuffs consumed on the island, rising prices for these have meant an additional cost of about 840 million dollars in 2008, according to government data.

Hard times ahead. As neither China, Russia nor Venezuela are compensating for these costs, Raul announced that belt-tightening is the only solution:
--The National Assembly passed a new social security law, which raises the retirement age from 60 to 65 for men and 55 to 60 for women.

--Subsidies and free-of-charge services will be reduced or eliminated. Most importantly, this targets the rationing-card system, which provides basic food staples to the population at large. However, no schedule for implementation was outlined, nor alternative programs for the needy.

--Free vacations in state-run hotels, widely used as incentives for cadres or exemplary workers, will be eliminated.

--Funds for travels abroad for state functionaries will be cut in half.
The government's stated aim is to restore value to salaries:

--In his speech, Raul argued that people do not value what they are given for free, but are primarily interested in their salary.

--Raul and the minister of economy mentioned economic distortions caused by the present currency dualism--the co-existence of the regular peso with a dollar-fixed convertible peso--but neither gave any indication of a single currency anytime soon.

Meanwhile, mobile phones, made accessible to ordinary Cubans less than a year ago, are now a permanent fixture. Telephone company ETECSA already reports 330,000 mobile phone users and prices for connection have been lowered.

When Raul took over from his brother in February, he raised expectations of material improvements for the population. In contrast, he closes the year announcing hard times to come and the need to tighten belts. While he has not reneged on an agenda of gradual and controlled reform to revitalize Cuba's socialist economy and society, this has come so close to standstill that among ordinary Cubans' disillusionment seems to have displaced hope.

At its 50th anniversary, the Cuban revolution faces a tense present and an uncertain future.

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Interesting how Russia and Venezuela can spend millions of dollars conducting military exercises to send a message to the USA. It would appear the universal symbol of “being screwed & used” is not monopolized by the west.

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Wayne Smith is a disgrace to the US diplomatic corps. He is opposed to freedom in Cuba, and has always protected Castro and his Marxism aggression be it in Nicaragua and El Salvador or with the PLO or in Angola.

Smith consistently shows up at pro-Castro affairs, some run by Castroite assets in the US. He is the Tom Hayden of Cuba.

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Forbes magazine article explains the economic woes of the Cuban people and how things only look like they are going to get worse for them.

Anniversary Finds Cuba In Economic Distress

Oxford Analytica, 01.05.09, 6:00 AM ET

http://www.forbes.com/home/2009/01/02/cuba-raul-anniversary-cx_0105oxford.html
The Cuban Revolution on Jan. 1 celebrated its 50th anniversary within a bleak economic context. The end-of-the-year session of Cuba's National Assembly highlighted the country's severe economic difficulties. The leadership stressed the need to cut down on state subsidies and raise salaries, but did not spell out any single reform.

Financial squeeze. After 50 years of revolution, Raul Castro used his address to the National Assembly to prepare the population for more hardship to come. Apart from the devastation created by 2008's three hurricanes, Raul stressed the external financial squeeze:

--Falling export prices have reduced hard-currency income; nickel has been hit particularly hard, with revenues cut by over one third in 2008 compared with 2007.

--As Cuba imports at least 80% of foodstuffs consumed on the island, rising prices for these have meant an additional cost of about 840 million dollars in 2008, according to government data.

Hard times ahead. As neither China, Russia nor Venezuela are compensating for these costs, Raul announced that belt-tightening is the only solution:
--The National Assembly passed a new social security law, which raises the retirement age from 60 to 65 for men and 55 to 60 for women.

--Subsidies and free-of-charge services will be reduced or eliminated. Most importantly, this targets the rationing-card system, which provides basic food staples to the population at large. However, no schedule for implementation was outlined, nor alternative programs for the needy.

--Free vacations in state-run hotels, widely used as incentives for cadres or exemplary workers, will be eliminated.

--Funds for travels abroad for state functionaries will be cut in half.
The government's stated aim is to restore value to salaries:

--In his speech, Raul argued that people do not value what they are given for free, but are primarily interested in their salary.

--Raul and the minister of economy mentioned economic distortions caused by the present currency dualism--the co-existence of the regular peso with a dollar-fixed convertible peso--but neither gave any indication of a single currency anytime soon.

Meanwhile, mobile phones, made accessible to ordinary Cubans less than a year ago, are now a permanent fixture. Telephone company ETECSA already reports 330,000 mobile phone users and prices for connection have been lowered.

When Raul took over from his brother in February, he raised expectations of material improvements for the population. In contrast, he closes the year announcing hard times to come and the need to tighten belts. While he has not reneged on an agenda of gradual and controlled reform to revitalize Cuba's socialist economy and society, this has come so close to standstill that among ordinary Cubans' disillusionment seems to have displaced hope.

At its 50th anniversary, the Cuban revolution faces a tense present and an uncertain future.

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The Realities of the Cuban Revolution

2009-01-09 / Osvaldo Alfonso Valdes


In Cuba, when Fidel Castro ceded power to his brother Raul, the destiny of the island became full of questions and speculations. The new dictator, who during all of these decades has always lived in the shadow of his older brother, is considered by many to be a pragmatist that could take steps towards transformations.

Today, Cuba is a county in ruins, impoverished, with a discontented population whose ill will is quieted through the use of fear and consequences, which can vary from losing the job that gives them a small miserable salary or going to rot in prison condemned for decades for their ideas. Poverty has been a constant for all of these years - even when the Soviet Union was still giving large subsidies - the country’s inhabitants have not enjoyed true prosperity or have lived at a level just above subsistence. It is well known that a good amount of the resources that the Soviets gave to the State and Fidel Castro during those years was used to promote subversion throughout Latin America, and in military campaigns far removed from Cuba’s borders and Cubans daily interests, as was the case in the interventions in Angola, Ethiopia and other countries.

In reality, after more than two years in which Raul Castro has been in charge of things nothing substantial has changed. The called for measures taken by the newly designated government in no way signified real changes. On the contrary, it is proves how much contempt the regime has for the people and only serves to distract the anxious public’s opinion by making is seem that something is moving. Making changes like the ones that gave citizens the right to buy microwaves, cell phones, computers that cannot connect to the internet, and to stay at hotels in their own country, shows how closed off Cuban society is and how far from modern life and without rights that the citizens have been living under.

In all honesty nothing in these measures has improved the lives of the people. The oppressed majority’s purchasing power is still far too little to permit them from acquiring any of those products, when one considers that the average salary is below $25 a month. On the other hand, the so-called ‘achievements’ of the Revolution are only well designed propaganda intended to give the totalitarian state a better image. Public education in Cuba is no more than the right for young people to attend run down schools with poorly paid teachers that have little interest in their work and where the students have to perform agricultural work as part of “the educational process.”

Public health is fraudulent in the same manner. It is true that Cubans can go to see a doctor without having to pay for it, but medicines are scarce, hospitals have abysmal conditions, and for the majority of people medical specialists are less accessible due to the governmental policy of exporting doctors in exchange for economic aid, as is the case with thousands of doctors that have been sent to Venezuela.

Systematic human rights violations have been present throughout each of the last 50 years of communism. Not even the smallest democratic space exists in Cuban society, since our own constitution establishes that the Communist Party is the superior force of the society and the state. Whatever other type of political and social activism exists on the margins or opposes what the party believes is penalized. Thousands of Cubans have passed through the prisons for political reasons, thousands of others have died against the thick walls by execution, and there are still nearly 300 men and women who remain incarcerated as prisoners of conscience.

Nevertheless, in spite of the intense repression, a democratic movement still exists and it is getting stronger. Today in Cuba one can talk about the existence of Christian Democratic, Social Democratic, and Liberal political parties, as well as civic, youth and other types of organizations, like the Independent Libraries project, that challenge the repression of the Castro regime’s political police. These brave Cubans are confronted by the repression in various ways. They have to kiss goodbye their careers and workplaces, are expelled and prohibited from studying at universities, and angry mobs are sent to their homes to threaten and insult them, and with regularity, they are put in jail after cunning trials and with having received procedural guarantees.

This democratic opposition has succeeded in getting close to the population by getting around and overcoming all the limitations placed on them. Two examples are the [petition for democratic reforms] of the Varela Project with its 24,000 signatures from supporters and [FLAMUR’s] proposal “With the Same Currency” that calls for all Cubans to be paid in a currency that will allow them to meet their needs. Likewise, there are growing movements of students, intellectuals and artists.

We cannot forget the “Ladies in White,” those brave family women of Cuban political prisoners from the Black Spring of 2003, when 75 dissident and journalists were imprisoned and given long prison sentences. These Cuban women have managed to march regularly through the streets of the capital demanding the liberty of their beloved family members, which has earned them international respect and recognition and of those Cubans that know more and more about their demands and bravery.

A good amount of the sympathy that the Castro regime has had is due to the fact that it has known how to exploit the disagreement with the United States, a conflict that in reality has nothing to do with the defense of Cuba’s legitimate interests, but has been promoted to a great extent by our own dictatorship to justify its anti-democratic and repressive policies. Objectively, the main conflict that is beating down the Cubans is that they live in a communist state that systematically violates human rights and refuses to carry out the social, economic and political reforms that the country needs because it fears losing power. At the same time, the main blockade is the one that the dictatorship has imposed over its own people.

The regime’s international relations have been guided by its greater priority, which is it unlimited power that it has flaunted for almost half a century. In the wake of the repressive wave of March 2003, for example, the world reacted to a large extent in the form of criticism in response to the crackdown. The European Union imposed a series of sanctions at that time against the regime that were a means to apply political pressure so that the regime would stop practices such as these and so that the political prisoners would be freed. Prior to that, the European Union has approved its “Common Position”, which has as its goal to bring about democratic changes to the larges of the Antilles.

Nevertheless, it should be said that the common block’s policy towards the island has been plagued with ambiguities and inconsistencies, which in practice have left aside the objectives that they themselves promulgated. Today, we can see that the Spanish government’s politics have brought about a new rapprochement with the dictatorship without including anything in the way of improvement in the matter of human rights. It can be said that the majority of the democratic opposition in Cuba disagrees with the way in which the imposed 2003 measures were lifted without it producing signs of opening on the island and without the repression against the democratic forces ceasing. There exist exceptions, such as the Czech Republic and Sweden, who cited that they would take a firmer stance, but the great majority has left aside a principal to which they had earlier endorsed. The reality is very clear: the human rights situation in Cuba is worse while at the same time relations between the European Union and the dictatorship are improving with Spain taking the lead. That is the frustrating reality that the Cuban fighters for democracy are seeing with disbelief.

On the other hand, the leadership of the island is openly tightening relations with other dictatorships, like Venezuela and China, and more recently Russia - whose democratic credentials are getting more and more doubtful since it has returned anew to its imperialist pretensions from the past. In all of this already there is not, of course, elements of ideological affinity that support this closeness. All is pure self-interest. Communist China is only looking for a new place where their businessmen can invest and make money, exploiting along the same lines as they are doing with their own citizens. Russia, for their part, is looking for the possibility of having a political ally strategically located near to their rival while their former satellites become closer politically and militarily to Washington. Thus, Cuba continues to be a dictatorship that can be rented.

All the speculations about the possible changes that Fidel Castro’s separation from power could initiate have dispelled themselves. The dictatorship is not giving any indication of reforming its ways. Everything that is being done is pure demagoguery; they do not want to nor are they are willing to lose power.

Under what circumstances will it be possible to prevent the inevitable from happening? The discontent is greater each time that the democratic movement is strengthened, in spite of the repression, and the economic situation gets worse. The only possibility for improving the lives of the people is in undertaking democratic reforms in political, social and economic areas. Under the current order of things, it is only possible to hope that at some moment their will be a social uprising. The movement in favor of change inside and outside of the country are advocating for transformations that don’t involve greater suffering for the people and that follow the path of the proposals and modes of resistance of these democratic forces.

The democratic movement needs international support and solidarity that expresses itself in every possible form. With that support, the movement will be able to contribute to the changes that are getting closer, and besides these contributions, it would become more difficult for the Castro regime to repress and to ignore these men and women, who have been internationally recognized and who demands have received such widespread support. In the spirit of this solidarity, not only organizations and political parties should be involved, but also the democratic governments that really want to support the democratization of Cuba.

Such solidarity is vital. All of the men and women that are fighting for human rights should be supported, and in Cuba there are thousands of men and women that are fighting for such rights and that are persecuted for this reason. The future freedom of Cuba, requires the help of every possible organization, government, and those that feel committed to the values of liberty and freedom in the world.


Osvaldo Alfonso Valdes was one of the 75 prisoners of conscience swept up by the Castro regime in the March 2003 crackdown and had been sentenced to 18 years in prison for his activities. He was released early due to his poor state of health and allowed to go into exile. Presently he works as a member of editorial staff and political analyst in ‘Miscelaneas de Cuba’ magazine in Sweden where he has lived since 2005.

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All bs western propaganda, what else is new?? Just shout it loud, CUBA IS HELL BECAUSE ITS RULED BY COMMUNISTS AND WE ARE ALL JUST BIASED CAPITALIST HATERS! Pathetic...

My theory on Feds is that they're like mushrooms: feed them *beep* keep them in the dark.

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I can't believe there are still people who defend a country that makes it illegal for someone to LEAVE. In the US, we have to build walls to keep people out. Has anyone at all, in the last fifty years, moved to Cuba?

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I defend it because it's always attacked by people who are staunch anti-socialists and who hate Castro just because he's a communist. You can't just look at it in black and white and say Castro has only done bad things for Cuba. You are all misinformed. Go there and see for yourselves what its like on Cuba, then judge. Western medias often just show the worst side of Cuba and present it as the REAL Cuba. Not everybody there is starving and living in shacks you know. Plenty people from Europe come to Cuba on vacation as a matter of fact!

My theory on Feds is that they're like mushrooms: feed them *beep* keep them in the dark.

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I ask once again, have you EVER heard of someone who has moved to Cuba (not including hi-jackers?). And why not allow people to leave if they want????

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I HAVE heard of SOMEONE moving to Cuba, that was some time ago. Don't remember the details, but he def did move there. And they don't allow people to leave because they know they will automatically head for USA, that is, Florida. Don't you think there are enough Cubans there already??:S

My theory on Feds is that they're like mushrooms: feed them *beep* keep them in the dark.

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So you've heard of SOMEONE moving there. Compare that to the more than million people that have left and who-knows-how-many that have died in the waters trying to escape. As for why it's illegal to leave, do you really believe it's to keep people out of the US? Please.

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Those who are determined to see Cuba through the rosy tints of revolutionary spectacles have for decades claimed the country as proof that socialism can work.

Cuba since the revolution has been a police state with a high proportion of political prisoners; there has been little or no freedom of expression or association, and people wanting to leave have been severely penalised.

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For those that believe in Communist Cuba.. answer me this one question:

Do you have freedoms in Cuba?
If yes, which freedoms do they enjoy in life?

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How about free healthcare and education? In your precious democracy you have to pay astronomic bills if you get sick and especially if you have no insurance! How GREAT is USA anyway??

My theory on Feds is that they're like mushrooms: feed them *beep* keep them in the dark.

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Former rebel remembers promise, betrayal of Cuban revolution

BY LUISA YANEZ
[email protected]
http://www.miamiherald.com/news/americas/cuba/story/844564.html

At 90 and with mixed feelings, Huber Matos points himself out in a famous black-and-white photograph taken 50 years ago -- Jan. 8, 1959 -- the morning the victors of the Cuban revolution rolled into Havana to a hero's welcome.

''That's me right there,'' said Matos, one of the revolution's top five commanders -- and the only one living in South Florida. The snapshot shows a young, blue-eyed, bearded version of Matos atop a truck, next to Fidel Castro and fellow rebel leader Camilo Cienfuegos.

It was to be a glorious day for Cuba, Matos recalled. Eight days earlier, dictator Fulgencio Batista had fled, clearing the way for the rebels to return democracy to the island, Matos believed.

Despite the euphoria, no one on the truck was smiling, Matos said.

As they entered Havana that January day, Castro's well-known paranoia was in full swing, Matos said. 'He was convinced he would be killed by a sniper from a rooftop as he entered Havana and that he would be turned into a martyr of the revolution. He was obsessed with that idea. He kept saying: `Huber, today could be the last day of my life. It's my destiny.' ''

Castro wanted his two commanders to ride shotgun with him. So despite the festive mood along the streets of Havana, Matos and Cienfuegos were armed with loaded M3 submachine guns as they crossed the capital.

'The entire way, Fidel kept saying: `Huber, keep an eye out,' '' Matos said.

CHANGE OF HEART

The camaraderie between the three didn't last long.

By October, Cienfuegos would die in a plane crash under suspicious circumstances -- just a week after following orders from Castro to arrest Matos for treason. Matos eventually served 20 years in prison for rejecting a revolution he helped bring about after seeing it turn red and repressive.

What propelled Matos, a teacher, father and husband, to end up as a conquering revolutionary began March 10, 1952 -- the day Batista staged a coup and overthrew democratically elected President Carlos Prio Socarras.

'I remember I was teaching a class and the news came that there had been a coup -- that Batista had forcibly taken over. To me that was like a collective slap on the face of the Cuban people. How dare he. I was a teacher, but I told my students that day: `We must go out and protest. This cannot be allowed to happen. Cuba is a democracy.' ''

Matos, in his mid-30s, gave up the classroom and took up arms against the Batista forces, hiding with other rebels in Cuba's mountain ranges. He soon earned a reputation as smart and fearless on the battlefield.

Matos and Castro were introduced through a mutual friend -- Celia Sanchez, an influential revolutionary rumored to be Castro's lover and his main promoter.

Matos drew Castro's attention by securing a cache of arms from Costa Rica at a time when rebel forces were desperate for gun power. Sanchez persuaded Matos to share the weapons.

''Fidel is the one we should all follow,'' Sanchez assured Matos. After a shaky first meeting between the two men, Matos joined Castro's July 26 Movement and became a trusted commander charged with leading the fight against Batista's forces in Santiago, the southeastern tip of the island.

''There were five of us who led the revolution,'' Matos said. The other four: the Castro brothers, Ernesto ''Che'' Guevara and Cienfuegos.

After Batista left the island on New Year's Eve, Cuba had been waiting for Castro and the other rebel leaders to arrive in Havana.

There had been mass celebrations throughout the country. Matos had been honored in Santiago where his men had made a valiant stand. He had been presented with an olive-colored rebel cap embossed with a gold star. ''I was very touched by the gift; it meant a great deal to me,'' Matos said.

Then on Jan. 6, Matos received word from Castro. He wanted Matos, he wrote, to settle in Camagüey and turn it into a ''second revolutionary stronghold.'' But first he wanted Matos to fly to Varadero Beach and meet him there on Jan. 7.

''I want to enter Havana on Jan. 8 with you and Camilo by my side,'' Castro wrote. Although the Argentine rebel leader Guevara was popular with Cubans, Castro always told Matos that Guevara could only climb so far: ''He's not a Cuban,'' he would say.

Guevara, nursing an injured arm, would not be part of the caravan.

Nor would Raúl Castro, who remained in Oriente.

Matos said he had a cordial relationship with Che, but Raúl Castro was another story. 'He was petty, jealous of others' success, a liar and cheater. A guy who you took an instant dislike to.''

Matos said that when he arrived at a naval base on Jan. 7 with his top captains for a plane ride to Varadero, he was told that the only jet available had been sent on a sudden mission. He could not get to Havana to join Castro. ''Right away, I suspected Raúl,'' Matos said.

Unfazed, he found a small plane on the base and recruited a pilot to get him to Varadero. ``I made it there, but I had to leave behind my captains. I took note of Raúl that day.''

Matos spent the night of Jan. 7 at a friend's house and then joined Castro in the morning for the victory ride to Havana, where the streets were lined with people. ``The procession was to be very long; we were going to cross Havana and it would take hours.''

He remembers being greeted at the start by Prio Socarras, the president who had been overthrown by Batista seven years earlier.

''He congratulated us for our work,'' Matos said. ``Everyone was euphoric that day. The level of patriotism was at its max. Some of us thought we had the future of our country in our hands. I can't recall another time when the Cuban people were so together as we were on that day. No one envisioned what would come. We didn't know yet the revolution would be betrayed.''

LOST HIS CAP

Matos remembers mostly exhaustion, aggravation and a terrible headache for the rest of the procession, caused by Castro's constant warning that they would come under fire.

Adding to his irritation, Matos lost his prized cap when a throng of people tried to touch the rebels as they passed.

''Everyone went for it. It was a memento from one of the rebels,'' said Matos, who still hates having lost it. ``The celebration in Santiago had meant more to me than the one entering Havana.''

By the end of the procession, Matos' head was still throbbing. Castro was to give a final speech and asked Matos to join him on stage.

''I refused,'' Matos said.

``I actually sat in a parked car and listened to all his promises, which turned out to be lies. Castro was a great actor, a faker. He fooled all of us.''

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Ok so you are willing to be a slave to the government for free healthcare.. and free education..

By the way, the United States does have free education...
were you unaware of that?

I would rather be free then the have "free" healthcare..

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This Matos guy is surely a pisser. There are guys in every regime, no matter how good, that like to undermine the top men in order to promote themselves somehow. I've seen that where I come from, Yugoslavia. It's sad. Well, I don't deny Castro has done wrong things, but in his place it wasn't easy to always do the right thing. What IS "the right thing" anyway?! It depends on the position you find yourself in.

My theory on Feds is that they're like mushrooms: feed them *beep* keep them in the dark.

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Castro condemned Commander Hubert Matos to 20 years in jail for treason when he resigned to his position because he did not agree with the communist infiltration in the Army. Matos referred to the infiltration of the communists, Raúl, Che and Ramiro, who replaced members of the 26 of July in the revolutionary army with communist militants. At the meeting of the Cabinet before the judgment, Castro, after a heated discussion, removed the ministers Faustino Pérez, Manuel Ray and Enrique Oltuski from their posts who considering Matos innocent of counterrevolutionary activities. Hubert Matos, sentenced on December 15, 1959 in Camp Columbia, served every minute of his sentence.

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A Tyrant’s ‘Liberation

Remembering the fall of Batista, and the 50 years of Cuban misery that have followed

BY OTTO REICH

New Year's Day marked the 50th anniversary of the Castro regime. The media noted it, Castro's apologists celebrated it, and survivors on three continents remembered the regime's victims and its destruction of a thriving society. Though I was only 13 years old, I will never forget the day it began.

Shortly after 7 a.m. on January 1, 1959, I walked out my front door in Havana to accompany my godmother to church. I intended to pray, as usual, for God to deliver us from the Batista dictatorship. I did not yet know that this habitual prayer had been answered, in a way, four hours earlier.

As I crossed the usually quiet street, I could hear the familiar, forbidden sound of Rebel Radio blaring from the open window of my neighbors' house across the street. I was startled. The radio could be heard on the entire street, and it was against the law to listen to Radio Rebelde — a severe beating was the minimum punishment. I was mindful of this fact because at nine each evening I crossed that same street to hear the rebels' shortwave broadcast from their jungle redoubts in the eastern mountains. In that house, from which the radio was now plainly audible, we would hide in a darkened interior room and turn the shortwave's volume up just enough to hear, our ears inclined toward the radio set.

We were terrified of being caught by the police, and I'm sure I was not the only one who imagined, with every scratch and rustle, that we had been discovered and that the police were breaking down the doors to beat and imprison us. But as we know from stories of prison camps in World War II, man's need for information leads him to do dangerous things. And other Cubans were risking much more to rid the country of the dictatorship: They were fighting in the hills and in the cities, and many were losing their lives. We needed to know what they were accomplishing; the censored media would not tell us.

We were frightened but optimistic: The United States had placed an arms embargo on the Batista regime a few months before, complaining of human-rights violations, so the government was finding it difficult to get arms and ammunition. The U.S. sanctions had encouraged anti-Batista forces.

On Radio Rebelde we would hear of the exploits of the rebels, who offered simple promises: an end to Batista's brutality and corruption, the restoration of constitutional rights, free elections, and the improvement of social and economic conditions. In the seconds it took to cross the street on New Year's Day, I learned why Radio Rebelde was in the open. My neighbor Eva came running toward me and shouted: "He's gone! He's gone!" She did not have to name the detested dictator. We all knew who "he" was.

The magic week that began on that New Year's Day with Batista's departure culminated on January 8 with the triumphant entry into Havana of the main force of the Rebel Army. Atop a tank leading a column of captured military vehicles, surrounded by his lieutenants, Fidel Castro tirelessly smiled and waved to the crowd along the route. No one in that crowd could have believed that the smiling young man had already inaugurated the firing squads that would kill more Cubans over the next 50 years than had died in all the wars for independence from Spain, or that just months later he would arrest or "disappear" several of the lieutenants who had brought him to power. Neither could we imagine that in less than three years he would invite the Soviets to launch missiles from Cuba into the United States or that his mismanagement would result in such food scarcity that the average size of a Cuban newborn would decline over the next five decades.

That afternoon of January 8, standing with my family along the Malecón, the broad seaside boulevard that borders Havana on the Caribbean Sea, all we could see were hundreds of thousands of delirious Cubans shouting, dancing, and otherwise showing their approval of the conquering heroes. Castro would quickly end the lives of many of those who welcomed him. More than 1 million, including my own family, would become refugees seeking freedom on foreign shores. Those who remained behind would face tyranny and indoctrination, enduring the biggest bloodbath in the violent history of all Latin America. No government in the Americas has been responsible for the death, imprisonment, or exile of so many as has Castro's. But at the time, we greeted them as liberators.

The emotion of being liberated from oppression is difficult to describe. Americans have the blessed and uncommon experience of always having lived in freedom, but many have seen the grainy black-and-white film of crowds wildly welcoming Allied soldiers to Paris in August of 1944. In those images, Parisians wipe tears from their faces and laugh at the same time as the horror of Nazi occupation comes to an end. There is no peacetime equivalent to the emotion that pervaded Havana in January 1959: a combination of the liberation of Paris and Carnival.

It was the happiest day in the life of most living Cubans. The future that the liberation foretold was as bright as the tropical sky on that sunny day. Henceforth there would be no more knocks on the door in the middle of the night, no screams of women or shouts of men as relatives were dragged to interrogation dungeons; no more tortured, bullet-riddled bodies appearing on the sidewalks of cities and towns; no more looting of public funds by corrupt officials at all levels; no more judicial corruption; no more social inequality in a country with so much natural wealth.

But something went terribly wrong in the 50 years that followed. Very quickly, Batista's coarse abuse of power was eclipsed by a system never before seen in this part of the world: a totalitarian dictatorship. Latin American dictators have followed the traditional authoritarian model: brutal, corrupt, and dishonest. Castro was all of that, but he was something more. He was well educated, having graduated from an exclusive Jesuit high school and then from the University of Havana's law school. He was self-centered and power-hungry, and, like many of his generation, he flirted with fascism — in his self-defense at a trial for rebellion in 1953, he plagiarized Adolf Hitler's speech from the Munich Beer Hall Putsch trial three decades earlier. (The speech caught the attention of my Austrian-born father.) Eventually, he calculated that Communism was the ideal national-socialist system to keep him in power indefinitely. His program combined a one-party ideology, fail-safe police-state tactics, and massive Soviet assistance to obscure the disintegration of Cuba's economy.

A revolution that had the support of the vast majority of the people in January 1959 soon created the largest exodus of political refugees as a proportion of a nation's population in history. About 14 percent of Cubans have fled their homeland.

Batista's jails, odious though they were, never numbered more than a dozen. To house his prisoners, Castro would have to build 350 penitentiaries. At some points in the 1960s, Cuba led the world in the number of political prisoners per capita. And these are no ordinary jails — Cuba is the only country to refuse U.N. resolutions calling for international prison inspection. Castro, according to his own writings, lived comfortably in Batista's prisons, cooking his favorite dishes and reading liberally, but has refused any outside inspections, even by the Red Cross, of what are described as some of the most appalling penal complexes ever seen.

The hundreds dead under Batista's gestapo grew to thousands under Castro's — as many as 6,130 according to the Cuba Archive, a database of political deaths and imprisonment — and many thousands more died on the high seas in 50 years of attempts to escape.


The moral decay of the pre-Castro years, exemplified by the casinos of the American mafia, was replaced by a more sweeping immorality under Castro, including official involvement in drug trafficking. High-ranking Cuban officials, such as Castro's chief of naval operations and his ambassador to Colombia, have been indicted on narcotics charges, but Castro refuses to extradite those who might testify against him. Convicted Colombian drug lords such as Carlos Lehder have testified to the Castro brothers' complicity in the drug trade. Castro's pathological hatred of the U.S. is such that he justified his involvement in narcotics as just another way to "destroy the empire" from within.

Why do Cubans not rebel against the despot Castro as they did against Batista? Cubans know what outsiders don't: Castro's dictatorship is of a very different character. The freelance informants of the Batista era were supplanted by a national neighborhood-surveillance system that encompasses every block of every city and town in Cuba. Called the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution and serving as the eyes and ears of the regime, they are the enforcers of revolutionary diktats, spying on every citizen and encouraging informants to turn on neighbors and relatives. They are empowered to knock on any door at any time to demand that a resident identify any visitor and explain the reason for the visit, or to demand an explanation of why the resident did not "voluntarily" attend the latest mass rally. You'd better have a good answer, because the CDR have muscle.

To anyone familiar with the past 50 years of Cuban history, it is a little amusing, though disheartening, to see Western apologists for the Castro brothers point to the enormous crowds at mass rallies as a sign of Castro's popularity. The regime's technique for turning out the crowds is illuminating: First, on the day of the rally everyone with a job must present himself at the workplace, where the political commissar checks attendance. Those absent may be demoted or fired if their file indicates prior "counterrevolutionary tendencies." Workers are then transported on government vehicles to and from the "Plaza of the Revolution" or some similar venue. At the event, the people will march, chant, and applaud — enthusiastically, since they are surrounded by plainclothes police and informants looking for "counterrevolutionary behavior" to report in exchange for a promotion or household appliance. Those who do not have! a place of work are expected to attend, too, and the local CDR make sure absences are not repeated.

The main coercive clout of the CDR comes from its power to distribute the ration card that every Cuban needs to purchase food. Miss a rally and your family may go hungry.

Few native-born Americans have any idea what it is to lose all freedom: to have no reliable source of information, no radio, television, or newspaper that would report any but the official news; to trust no neighbor, colleague, or family member because he may be a government informer; to live in a nationwide "company town" where the government is the only employer and the sole source of your family's food.

After 50 years, Cubans are convinced that the government surveillance system, Orwell's Big Brother put into practice, is so effective that it knows even what they are thinking. Though Orwell's books are banned in Cuba (they are far too close to reality for Castro's comfort), Cubans have another name for Big Brother. They call it "the policeman in the head," the most pernicious kind of mind control: self-censorship, the fear that leads to intellectual paralysis and prevents a citizen from even thinking thoughts that could be deemed counterrevolutionary, leading him to jail or worse.

My family left Cuba for the U.S. in July 1960, 18 months after Castro's arrival. From the first time that he had heard Fidel Castro speak, at that 1953 rebellion trial, it was obvious to my father, who had lived through the Nazi occupation of his homeland in 1938 and then fled to join the French Foreign Legion at the outset of World War II, that Castro was a dangerous demagogue who would be a brutal dictator. The rest of the family thought my father just didn't know Cuba. Perhaps he did not, but he did know dictators.

As I remember that hopeful first week of January 1959, it is obvious that the only things that have worked in Cuba in the past 50 years are the security forces and propaganda apparatus. Everything else was a lie: the freedom, the promised elections, the constitutional guarantees, the individual rights, the better life. Castro's contempt for his country was probably best demonstrated in the 1962 missile crisis, when he begged Nikita Khrushchev to attack the United States with nuclear missiles hidden in Cuba, "even if a counterattack destroys Cuba." In the end, Castro saw to that himself.

Mr. Reich is president of Otto Reich Associates. He served as assistant secretary of state and special envoy for Western Hemisphere affairs under Pres. George W. Bush."

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Mr. Reich’s paternal grandparents were Austrian Jews who died in the Holocaust.
His father was a Holocaust survivor and, as a young boy, Reich was painfully aware that the Nazis had murdered his grandparents.

Reich was born in Cuba and witnessed Fidel Castro's ascension to power and the eventual betrayal of the Cuban revolution's democratic promise. He brings a unique perspective about Castro’s tyranny.

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I only said free healthcare.

My theory on Feds is that they're like mushrooms: feed them *beep* keep them in the dark.

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OK so free healthcare....

Do you understand the concept of a serivce?

healthcare is a service.....
to provide a service... one must be compensated for the serivce they provide...

Now there are many costs in health care... 1st there is the labor of the staff.. medical and non medical.. not cheap...

there is the cost of the equipment.. wow that is very expensive...
now the better and more advanced the equipment the more expensive it is....

then there is the cost of the insurance that the medical community must pay for because of lawsuits.. again very expensive...

So... Free is probably the least favorable word to use for health care...

so now let us look at who should pay for it...
I guess your guess is the governement.. well that would be fantasitc.. however..

the government does not manufacture goods or provide serivces to make money.. the government is more of a collecter of money...

and who do they collect it from? Us... the people... not everyone.. but i would say 50% of the population pays into the federal pool...

so let us ask the question.. do you want everyone to recieve this "free" service? if you do.. then you are asking 50% of the popultion to pay for everyone else.. so one person pays for 2... at least...

When is the one person.. that is paying for two.. going to say.. you know what.. I want to be the person getting it paid for....

why work harder to not advance myself.. but to advance a stranger...

then it may be 1 person paying for 3.. then paying for 5...

then what happens is we have no money to pay for the services rendered.. and then the service either declines.. or goes away....

uh oh!! what happens then??

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Have you watched SICKO? There is all the answer you need. American health system is *beep* up. They don't care for their own people, even the so-called "American heroes" are getting a cold shoulder. While in Cuba, they get all the medical treatment they need for almost nothing.

My theory on Feds is that they're like mushrooms: feed them *beep* keep them in the dark.

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OK ummm let us stick to the truth...

My parent's are Cuban imigrants they know the TRUTH for the "health care" system in cuba...

here it is...

its a mirage... ok..

only a select few get "healthcare" there.. the majority of the population get nothing.. great system

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CUBA UNDER the U.S.-BACKED DICTATOR BATISTA:

- Americans owned 70 % of the arable land

- 1% of the population controlled 46 % of the wealth

- Batista's goons and secret police killed 20,000 Cubans (tortured even more)

- 40 % of the population were illiterate

- 50 % of the population lived in Bohio shacks

- Dissidents were hung and left to dangle in the streets as a warning sign

- The Mafia (Meyer Lansky & Co) ran Havana and used Cuba as a whorehouse for rich gringos from the U.S.


.... These are the conditions that allowed Fidel and Che to rise to power



"Brothels flourished. A major industry grew up around them; government officials received bribes, policemen collected protection money. Prostitutes could be seen standing in doorways, strolling the streets, or leaning from windows. One report estimated that 11,500 of them worked their trade in Havana. Beyond the outskirts of the capital, beyond the slot machines, was one of the poorest, and most beautiful countries in the Western world."

— David Detzer, American journalist, after visiting Havana in the 1950s

"Fulgencio Batista murdered 20,000 Cubans in seven years ... and he turned Democratic Cuba into a complete police state - destroying every individual liberty. Yet our aid to his regime, and the ineptness of our policies, enabled Batista to invoke the name of the United States in support of his reign of terror. Administration spokesmen publicly praised Batista - hailed him as a staunch ally and a good friend - at a time when Batista was murdering thousands, destroying the last vestiges of freedom, and stealing hundreds of millions of dollars from the Cuban people, and we failed to press for free elections."

— U.S. Senator John F. Kennedy, October 6, 1960

"I believe that there is no country in the world including any and all the countries under colonial domination, where economic colonization, humiliation and exploitation were worse than in Cuba, in part owing to my country’s policies during the Batista regime. I approved the proclamation which Fidel Castro made in the Sierra Maestra, when he justifiably called for justice and especially yearned to rid Cuba of corruption. I will even go further: to some extent it is as though Batista was the incarnation of a number of sins on the part of the United States. Now we shall have to pay for those sins. In the matter of the Batista regime, I am in agreement with the first Cuban revolutionaries. That is perfectly clear."

— U.S. President John F. Kennedy, interview with Jean Daniel, October 24, 1963

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Raúl Castro, or the art of decapitating adversaries

Carlos Alberto Montaner

In the Nineties, it was said that Dr. Carlos Lage would lead the transition in Cuba. The first vice president was a tranquil and polite man in the midst of a usually frenetic tribe beset by a machismo forever on the edge of orchitis. I heard Carlos Salinas de Gortari say it, when he was president, along with half a dozen foreign ministers and chiefs of state: “Lage is the future.”

At that time, the Soviet Union gone, Cuban communism teetered. It appears that when Lage talked with foreign politicians in private, he flirted with democratic ideas and sold himself as the Caribbean Adolfo Suárez.

At the start of the 21st Century, the role of the Dauphin was played by Foreign Minister Felipe Pérez Roque, an engineer who (like Lage) came from Fidel Castro's entourage. He had been a sort of first assistant to the Comandante in Chief, so when Foreign Minister Roberto Robaina was expelled from his post, Fidel himself anointed Pérez Roque as a substitute because “he was the person who best interpreted his thinking.” Pérez Roque's apotheosis came in December 2005: he delivered a master class before Parliament and everybody, including the Financial Times, declared him heir to the throne. At that moment, he had the reputation of being a hard and inflexible “Taliban.”

A few months later, in July 2006, Fidel Castro fell ill and had to leave the government precipitously. With the arrival of Raúl to the presidency, both Lage and Pérez Roque were discreetly sidelined. The two were cadres selected by Fidel for a hypothetical political succession, but Raúl did not trust them and had his own ideas about how and with whom to organize an economic reform and the transmission of authority. So, Raúl followed the same serpentine pattern of behavior used against Gen. Ochoa in 1989: he asked Gen. Abelardo Colomé Ibarra, his soul brother and ultra powerful Minister of the Interior, to draw up a good set of charges to remove them from the game in a flash, along with the other pesky functionaries he wanted to eliminate.

And that's what happened. Cuba's formidable espionage apparatus has accumulated proof of petty corruption, continuous nepotism, negligence, counter-revolutionary behavior by relatives, personal ambition and (most grave) conveying to foreign politicians and visitors false expectations regarding purported political changes. Pérez Roque, who in the opinion of many foreign politicians and diplomats had been a Taliban in the early days, had turned into a “reformer.” So thought Spanish Foreign Minister Miguel Ángel Moratinos, a man stubbornly prone to erroneousness, who was betting on Pérez Roque for the transition, more or less the way the previous Spanish Foreign Minister, Abel Matutes, had said “the man of change” would be Roberto Robaina. That comment was utilized by “the apparatus” to deep-six Robaina once and forever.

Once the two targets had been duly “set up,” and armed with voluminous reports from the intelligence services, Raúl Castro, an expert in the art of decapitating adversaries, began his methodical task as executioner. He easily convinced Fidel of the basic disloyalty of the subjects, summoned the Political Bureau, confronted the accused with proof of their “immoral and miserable” behavior, crushed them emotionally, warning them that their deeds bordered on treason, for which they deserved to be executed (if the Revolution weren't so generous), and prepared the conditions for a public announcement. This time, however, he had to perform a bothersome task: it was necessary to explain to dimwit Hugo Chávez what was going to happen, because Lage and Pérez Roque were his favorite interlocutors and it wouldn't be fair to surprise him with their elimination. Insufferable though the Venezuelan may be, he is the man who feeds Cuba and must be treated like a fine parrot.

With these and other personages hors de combat (including Fernando Remírez de Estenoz, another white hope of the democratic foreign ministries who was liquidated in the purge), Raúl feels that he has cleared the way to the Sixth Party Congress, due in the fall, at which he will arrive with all his trusted people in key positions, so nothing may escape his control. Meanwhile, total despondency spreads through the revolutionary ranks and any illusion of change vanishes. Silvio Rodríguez is going to live in Argentina, where there are no blue unicorns (the Peronists may have eaten them), Pablo Milanés is definitely settling in Galicia, and the children and grandchildren of the nomenklatura are stealthily departing for any place where there's a hint of a better life. In Cuba everybody knows that that's impossible.

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The Revolution devours its own sons. History keeps repeating; leaders are carried to the guillotine.

As is customary with ousted officials in Stalinist regimes, both dutifully issued their public "mea culpa" in the Cuban government press after Fidel Castro wrote an article in Cuba's official press claiming that they had succumbed to the "honey of power," and stating that "the external enemy was filled with illusions for them."

My opinion is that their ouster was a defensive move by a decrepit dictatorship.

Now that Washington is trying to relax U.S. sanctions, Cuba's ruling family is circling the wagons to try to stave off outside pressures for a political opening.

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CBC: Congressional Bootlickers for Castro

Michelle Malkin

Congressional Black Caucus Democrats went to Cuba to see what they wanted to see. Not since The New York Times reporter Walter Duranty traipsed around Stalin's Russia, filing cheery travelogues whitewashing Communist-engineered famine, has America witnessed such disgraceful propaganda tourism.

Led around by the nose by the Castro brothers, Rep. Emanuel Cleaver declared, "If there is repression in Cuba we didn't see it." Somehow, the gulags and slums got left off the itinerary. Go figure. The CBC members saw instead a land of milk and honey. Fresh air and freedom. Shiny, happy people cared for by a kindly, benevolent leader. As Comrade Fidel himself put it in his official statement on the visit: "Persons who move on the streets in an active and almost always happy manner do not match with the stereotyped images that most of the times are portrayed about Cuba abroad."

Rep. Cleaver swallowed the Kastro Kool-Aid in one big gulp: "We've been led to believe that the Cuban people are not free, and they are repressed by a vicious dictator, and I saw nothing to match what we've been told." Cleaver unabashedly basked in the cult of Raul Castro's personality: "He's one of the most amazing human beings I've ever met."
Lord, what tools these lawmakers be.

Accompanying Cleaver were radical left-wing House Democrats Barbara Lee, Laura Richardson, Bobby Rush, Marcia Fudge, Mel Watt and Mike Honda. Rep. Rush was enraptured by the tyrant's "keen sense of humor, his sense of history and his basic human qualities." Lee fawned over the Castros like your neighborhood tweens giggle over the Jonas Brothers. The aging dictator Fidel "looked directly into our eyes," she delighted. Where was he supposed to look? Into their ears? He "was very engaging and very energetic," she confided.

Yes, ask the dozens of independent journalists and dissidents jailed over the last six years: Fidel's a veritable fuzz ball.

It's too bad Castro's American bootlickers jetted back home (Why is it these fervent admirers of the Communist regime always buy themselves return tickets?) before Easter. They might have run into someone with seeing eyes who could have reminded them of the religious oppression the kindly Castros oversee. The U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom reported last year that "(r)eligious belief and practice remain under tight governmental control in Cuba. … Both registered and unregistered religious groups continue to suffer official interference, harassment and repression. Political prisoners and human rights and pro-democracy activists continue to be denied the right to worship." The panel compiled reports of religious leaders "being attacked, beaten or detained for opposing government actions."

The Cuban Communist Party requires religious groups to register to obtain official recognition. They must inform the regime "where they will conduct their activities" and obtain official permission to travel. The government controls the distribution of Bibles. Processions and worship services outside tightly regulated religious buildings are not allowed without permission of the local ruling official of the Communist Party. The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints is expressly forbidden from proselytizing. Religious schools are banned.

Two years ago, the U.S. international religious freedom panel reported, a Pentecostal preacher and his family were evicted from their home and their church demolished. A month after that, police raided the Santa Teresita Catholic Church in Santiago de Cuba, beat several persons gathered for Mass who participated in a political protest earlier that day, and detained 18 worshipers.

Every Sunday in Havana, a brave group of jailed dissidents' wives walk to a government-approved Mass at an old Catholic cathedral to pray for their husbands' freedom. They are known as the Ladies in White. The group has been harassed and bullied by Castro's henchmen at Easter time for demanding regime change. Their church is named for Saint Rita, the patroness of lost causes. The hopeless sycophants of the Congressional Black Caucus, willfully blind to Castro's systemic brutality, could certainly use the saint's intercession.

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Racist Group is the best way to describe a caucus group that uses skin color as a requisite for membership. Can anyone imaging a "White Congressional Caucus" made up of conservatives? Somehow the "caucus" seemed to miss the prisons.

Where's Maxine Waters? How did she miss this little Communist Love Boat trip? She wasn't the group leader? Maybe next time she and Bill Ayers can make the trip together. What a perfect couple, too.

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The simple act of the CBC's travel to Cuba and dining with the Castros is an act of approval for their regime. That only one praised Fidel publicly is moot. Their actions were enough to show their support for an openly hostile regime.

It is my understanding that the trade embargo was put into place because Castro stole American and Cuban privately owned businesses without paying for them.

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Cuba's great? Not for Eldridge Cleaver. Former Black Panther Eldridge Cleaver went to live in Cuba years ago.

If Cuba was the paradise that the Congressional Black Caucus and other liberals think it is, Eldridge Cleaver certainly didn't think so. He eventually returned to the United States thoroughly disgusted by what he saw of Fidel's Cuba. What did the CBC know from a mere visit that Cleaver should have from actually having lived in Cuba?

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It is my understanding that the trade embargo was put into place because Castro stole American and Cuban privately owned businesses without paying for them.

By recognizing Cuba and allowing trade we also recognize that any government may nationalize any business and get with that action.

How many of Cuba's trading partners are comfortable with that. It is the USA's insistence that we won't trade with governments that steal our property.

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Cuba's great? Not for Eldridge Cleaver. Former Black Panther Eldridge Cleaver went to live in Cuba years ago.

If Cuba was the paradise that the Congressional Black Caucus and other liberals think it is, Eldridge Cleaver certainly didn't think so. He eventually returned to the United States thoroughly disgusted by what he saw of Fidel's Cuba. What did the CBC know from a mere visit that Cleaver should have from actually having lived in Cuba?

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Cuba says its sugar harvest is worst in 105 years
http://finance.yahoo.com/news/Cuba-says-its-sugar-harvest-apf-9102715. html?x=0&.v=2

Anne-Marie Garcia, Associated Press Writer, On Wednesday May 5, 2010

HAVANA (AP) -- Cuba said Wednesday that this year's sugar harvest is the least productive in more than a century -- a scathing assessment that follows the firing of the head of an industry that was once a symbol of the nation.

A report in the Communist Party newspaper Granma said the harvest fell short of expectations by 850,000 tons, though it did not specify what the goal had been.
It said there had not been "such a poor sugar campaign" since 1905. It did not cite figures, but the Cuban census then reported 1.23 million tons of sugar were harvested in the 1905-1906 season and 1.44 million for 1906-1907.

Cuba reported a harvest of just 1.5 million tons in 2008 and has not released figures for 2009.
The island once was a world leader in sugar, annually producing 6 million to 7 million tons and the communist government once made the annual harvest a point of revolutionary pride, regularly sending brigades of office workers from the cities out into the countryside to boost output.

The collapse of the Soviet Bloc combined with a continuing U.S. embargo to erase the country's biggest guaranteed markets and low global commercial prices undermined the industry, which also has been short on investment.

Sugar industries elsewhere in the Caribbean also have suffered.

Cuban officials have continually tried to increase efficiency if not output, but Monday's ouster of Sugar Minister Luis Manuel Avila indicates they have not had the desired success.

The government said Avila had "asked for his removal, recognizing the deficiencies in his work."

Granma said the island now has 750,000 hectares (1.9 million acres) dedicated to sugar and 61 mills, but only 10 of the mills met production goals.

It blamed the Sugar Ministry for "lack of control," and blasted officials for lacking "objectivity" in planning.

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Castro brothers’ tyranny has decimated the Cuban sugar industry. The island economy is in shambles, surviving only on remittances of Cuban abroad, tourism, and Chavez subsidize oil and credit. A once beautiful and well-to-do nation has been plundered by the evil experiment of Fidel Castro and his mafia.

Cuba was one of the most prosperous countries in Latin America before 1959. Under the Castrofacism the island economy has been ruined beyond recognition, transforming it into a third world country. After 51 years of a failure still there are people defending this regime

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Cuba is an excellent example of how a very successful nation in the western hemisphere was destroyed by socialism in the 20th century. There are so few positive things to say about communist dictatorships like Cuba, that leftists everywhere have no choice but to point out flaws in other countries to keep some of their self-respect.

Cuba sugar production was 1.25 million tons in 2009. The estimate for 2010 is less than a million tons with a population of 11.4 millions. In 1903, 5 years after the War of Independence, the island produced 1.04 million tons with a population of 1.9 millions. More than 100 years later the communist regime will be producing even less.

In 1959 Cuba exported 5.0 million tons. In the years just preceding the 1959 Revolution, Cuba has been the larger exporter of sugar cane in the world. Who would have imagined a few years ago that the world's largest exporter of sugar would have to resort to external supplies to meet its needs?

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How the regime can explain the reasons why they have to resort to a sugar importing country like the United States, to procure a product that traditionally exported the island. Who would have imagined that Cuba would become an importer of food, even importing sugar, of all things, from the United States, of all places?

I imagine it will be no easy for the official propaganda machine try to avoid that the people will not associate the sugar imports with Florida, the larger producer of sugar cane in US. The sugar plantations and industries in Florida were developed by entrepreneurs which industries and plantations in Cuba were confiscated by Castro brothers regime, in order to put them “to the service of the people” and to make them “more efficient and productive”. A tale that time has demonstrated it develop with a conclusion very different from the beginning.

Cuba official statistics show the island has 750,000 hectares dedicated to sugar cane and 46 mills participating in the harvest. The state of Florida has 190,000 hectares dedicated to sugar cane and only 5 mills. The sugar production in 2009 was 2.0 million tons. Look at the figures and arrive to your own conclusion.

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Cuba is coffee dry: the country has become a net importer of the bean
http://en.mercopress.com/2010/06/10/cuba-is-coffee-dry-the-country-has -become-a-net-importer-of-the-bean

Cuban coffee production tumbled 90% in the last few years forcing the government of President Raul Castro to spend 50 million US dollars annually in importing the beans to ensure domestic consumption revealed the official weekly Trabajadores.

MercoPress
Thursday, June 10th 2010 - 06:52 UTC

According to the Ministry of Agriculture Cuba once produced 60.000 tons of coffee but that is now down to ‘less than 10%’ forcing the country to purchase overseas 19.000 tons at a cost of 50 million US dollars which are a significant drain of foreign exchange reserves, points out the weekly.

Cuba needs to produce at least 29.000 tons of clean beans to replace imports, one of Castro brothers’ regime agriculture policy priorities. Trabajadores blames drought, hurricanes and the lack of fertilizer, herbicides, other chemicals and proper tools to work the land.

The weekly also claims that “enemy hands” have introduced exotic coffee diseases with the purpose of dedicating land to more profitable crops. Apparently the worst year was 2005 when the government had to pay for farm labour and pick the bill for the coffee subsidy, a basic component of the monthly basket rations every Cuban is entitled to.

“This is the bitter side of the coffee collapse”, says Trabajadores. However “Cuba is not going to give up 250 years of coffee growing tradition and there is a development 2009/2015 plan that will revert the situation”.
The strategy includes a new prices system and a reorganization of areas to be planted and harvested.

Cuba, with abundant fertile soil, (once the world’s leading sugar exporter) spends over 1.5 billion US dollars annually in food purchases (including sugar) and the situation has become a national security issue because international prices are high and the Castro brothers’ regime is cash short.

Since taking office from brother Fidel in 2006, Raul has liberated thousands of hectares of government land to farmers to toil privately hoping for a strong supply of local vegetables, fruit and other basic produce. The goal has only been partially successful since provision of inputs and commercializing produce remains the hands of the government bureaucracy.

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Another Castro brothers regime great success story. The import of coffee by the regime is equivalent to the import of sugar, an unthinkable thing to happen 51 years ago. The destruction of the island economy, is not cause by the embargo, is due to the Castro brothers dictatorship, corruption and mismanagement.

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On 1956 the island exported 20,000 MT of coffee valued at over $20 million. In 1957 it produced 43,600 MT of coffee beans and exported only 11,200 tons due to the guerrilla war in the main coffee growing area. In 2004 the coffee production was 13,440 MT and in 2009 only 6,000 MT. Coffee per capita in 1958 with a population of 6.6 million was 14.5 lb, in 2009 with a population of 11.3 million only 1.2 lb.

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Before 1959 Cuba used to produce some of the finest Arabic Coffee in the world. Nowadays Cubans are allocated through the ration book only 4 ounces of coffee a month per person, and the coffee is mixed with peas to increase the yield, which in turn reduce the quality of the coffee. What an inept regime, it destroys everything it touch’s. The brothers’ rule are the root of the problem, they should be removed from power.

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Before 1959 Cuba used to produce some of the finest Arabic Coffee in the world. Nowadays Cubans are allocated through the ration book only 4 ounces of coffee a month per person, and the coffee is mixed with peas to increase the yield, which in turn reduce the quality of the coffee. What an inept regime, it destroys everything it touch’s. The brothers’ rule are the root of the problem, they should be removed from power.

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As for coffee production, Castro promised in the 1960s that in few years Cuba would export hundreds of thousands of bags to everyone, but what took place was a steady decline of its production and for the last 40 years it has not been enough even to satisfy domestic consumption reason why the aromatic grain is mixed with kidney beans and other imported grains to supply it to the consumers, in small quantities established in a ration book dating from 1962, in order to control the supply of basic foodstuffs to the population.

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Castro said that not only would we have coffee for the domestic consumption needs, but also for exportation. "We're going to turn into a coffee power, besides being a sugar power," he said. He also announced that day that pigeon pea would be sown in the same row of coffee, approximately every three meters as well as a thousand acres of citrus, avocado, mango, mamey, sapote, henequen and flowers. Declarations to foreign and Cuban newspaper man, El Mundo newspaper, January 3, 1968.

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“By 1970, Havana will be completely self-sufficient with the coffee we are going to plant this year in Havana Province, some 100 million plants… This coffee will be planted as a secondary crop, that is, it will be planted in the same areas as the fruit trees. That will happen in only two more years.” Castro Speech, January 6, 1967

The Havana belt consisted of a plan that was intended to convert the environs around the capital into a gigantic coffee plantation with the planting of the coffee variety Caturra, which has the capacity to grow under full sun. Fidel did not take into consideration that for the growth of this variety, neither the climatic conditions associated with the height, nor the soils were adequate in Havana’s province. The resounding failure of the coffee plan caused a useless waste of economic resources and great administrative corruption. Forty-three years after that speech, the island lacks not only coffee but everything.

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Cuba cuts cigar output as exports plunge
http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/79390e96-7d6d-11df-a0f5-00144feabdc0.html

By Marc Frank in Havana
Published: June 21 2010

Global economic woes and the spread of smoking bans are taking a harsh toll on production of what many aficionados consider to be the world’s finest tobacco in the lush green-brown valleys of Cuba’s western-most province, Pinar del Rio.
The province’s just concluded tobacco harvest came in at 22.4m leaves, down 14 per cent from 26m in 2009, according to Guerrillero, the province’s Communist party weekly.
The area’s tobacco accounts for much of the wrapper leaf and external filling that give Cuba’s prized cigars such as the Cohiba, Montecristo, Trinidad, Churchill and Partagas their flavour and scent.

“There was a reduction in planting due to limitations in resources caused by the economic crisis,” the weekly said.

Cuba’s premium cigars dominate the world market with 70 per cent of sales, with the exception of the US, where the cigars are banned under the 48-year-old US trade embargo against the communist-led island.

According to the most recent report released by the government’s statistics office, the industry has fallen on hard times in recent years, with production of cigars for export down from 217m in 2006, to 123m in 2007 and 73m last year as the business drew on its inventory.

Cash-strapped Cuba cut the amount of land devoted to growing its famous tobacco by more than 30 per cent last year.

Sales from cigar exports fell to $218m in 2009, down from $243m in 2008.
Some 200,000 private Cuban farmers and family members depend on growing and curing the precious leaf under contract with the government. Tens of thousands of workers earn their living hand-rolling the crop into the Habanos or Puros for export.

But many of the seats used by those people who hand-fashioned the famous cigars are now empty.

The exclusive distributor of Cuban cigars, Habanos SA, a joint venture between Cuba and British tobacco giant Imperial Tobacco Group, was not immediately available for comment. However, people close to the company said there was plenty of leaf and cigars in stock to meet demand.

Meanwhile, bad news for the export industry is apparently good news for local consumers.

Demand is no problem at the subsidised price of just a few cents to a dollar for no name domestic cigars that local smokers rate highly – even though the tobacco comes from parts of the country other than Pinar del Rio.

About 300m cigars for domestic consumption were produced last year, compared with 278m in 2008 and 200m in 2006.

Another Castro brothers’ regime great success story. On September 15, 1960 the Castro regime took over 16 cigar factories, 14 cigarette plants and 20 tobacco warehouses, bringing to an end 300 years of tobacco development that made Cuban cigars the best in the world. The nationalization of the tobacco industry was the beginning of the end of one of the primary source of income for the island. The brothers’ destructive capacity has no limits.

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The cigar manufacturers and tobacco plantation owners have no choice but to leave the island with close to nothing, after their properties were seize and bank accounts frozen by the regime. They settled in different countries around the world. They start anew and due to their efforts the tobacco plantation and non Cuban cigar industry was born, spreading the tobacco seed they have taking with them from Cuba around the world.

They have been extremely successful in the establishment of tobacco plantation and cigar industry in countries like Dominican Republic, Honduras, Ecuador, Nicaragua and others. Dominican Republic has become the world's largest producer of premium cigars, surpassing by far Cuba production under the Castros regime.

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Nowadays Dominican Republic is the world's biggest producer of premium cigars, surpassing even Cuba.

Premium cigar production 2009:

Dominican Republic 110 million exported to US
Cuba 70 millions exported

If the Castro regime hasn’t decimated the cigar industry and tobacco plantation, probably the Dominican cigar industry, Honduran tobacco, and Ecuadorian leaf, would haven’t grow as much as they have done. The exodus turned those Cuba's men with tobacco and cigar experience into master craftsmen and blenders, who through their experiments with tobacco found new flavors and recreated those of their youth.

The majority of Dominican, Honduran and Nicaraguan cigars owed their origins to those Cuban men. Most of the premium tobacco grow in these countries have their origin in the tobacco seeds smuggled out of Cuba by these men.

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Cuban Food Output Down Despite Agriculture Reforms
http://www.reuters.com/article/idUSTRE6724QW20100803

by Marc Frank
HAVANA | Tue Aug 3, 2010 2:44pm EDT

(Reuters) Cuba's food production fell 7.5 percent in the first half of the year despite reforms instituted by President Raul Castro and even as the Communist-run country cut food imports, the government reported this week.

The report was not a surprise to Cuban consumers who have complained of shortages all year, particularly in staples such as rice and beans, which were down 1.7 percent and 27 percent, respectively.
The National Statistics Office reported on its web page www.one.cu that, from January through June, there was a decline in just about all types of food production -- from rice, potatoes, malanga and other vegetables to pork and eggs.

Production of a few items rose, including yucca, milk, non-citrus fruits and bananas.

The government has repeatedly said it would begin cutting food imports this year, though no data was available. Vietnam, the island's main rice supplier, announced when the year began that Cuba had reduced orders by 100,000 tons for 2010.

Overall agriculture production is below 2005 levels, according to the government, even though Castro has made increasing food output a priority since taking over for older brother Fidel Castro more than two years ago.
Cuba is in the throes of a financial crisis in part because it spends heavily to import two-thirds of its food.

"It is not easy to find root vegetables and rice is scarce, making matters worse, especially at the end of the month when the ration is used up," Margarita, a retiree who did not want her full name used, said in a telephone interview from eastern Holguin province.

Santiago de Cuba housewife Olga Machado said things were not much better in Cuba's second largest city.

"The biggest problem is that everything seems to come and go, forcing you to dedicate a great deal of time to guarantee there is food at home," she said.

BARE-BONES BASICS

Sugar production was not included in the report but this year's sugar harvest was the worst in more than a century, resulting in a 20 percent cut in the rationed sugar quota of five pounds per month.

The country maintains a World War Two-style food ration that provides the bare-bones basics for a few weeks, after which residents must shop at state-run markets.

President Castro has raised prices the state pays for produce, leased state lands to farmers, decentralized decision making, allowed provincial producers to sell more of their produce directly to consumers and reorganized huge state farms and cooperatives that occupy 60 percent of the land.

However, a decades-old system where the state provides fuel, pesticides, fertilizer and other resources to farmers in exchange for 70 percent of what they produce remains unchanged and often holds back production.

In a speech on Sunday to the National Assembly, Castro blamed administrative errors and a continuing drought for the production shortfalls. He ruled out market solutions as being too capitalist.

Many farmers and farm experts think Castro will have to make bigger changes if he wants more food production.

"Until the state frees up farmers to own outright the land, sell directly what they produce and purchase what they need to do it, production will not significantly improve," said a local agriculture expert, asking his name not be used.

(Editing by Jeff Franks and Bill Trott)

Castros regime own near 75% of the agricultural land in the island. Near 50% of the state cooperatives with more land under their control than the private sector produce far less, and operate at a loss. Private farmers that have 11% of the land produce two-thirds of the food.

The continuing decline in the production of food supply, cause by the regime agricultural policies, could lead to social turmoil and violence unless radical changes are implemented.

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The regime currently imports around 84% of the food stuffs. Around 25% of the productive land seats idle full of weeds. Cuba's state-controlled agriculture decides which crops are planted, set prices and control supplies and distribution. Most farmers are required to sell a large portion of their crops, at the regime set prices, to the collection centers of the government official procurement agency, a monopoly that operates as an intermediary that buys cheap and sells costly with an average profit of 29%.

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In countries like China and Vietnam agricultural collectivization has been abandoned, because it does not work. Food shortages have disappeared, and poverty has diminished. If the regime doesn’t reform the actual agricultural sector, it will confront very serious situation due to general poverty, hunger and discontent.

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Capitalist storm clouds loom over Havana after state cuts 1m jobs

Cuban workers told to become entrepreneurs in bid to boost island's private sector.

Rory Carroll, Latin America correspondent
guardian.co.uk

http://static.guim.co.uk/sys-images/Guardian/Pix/pictures/2010/9/14/12 84497888937/The-seafront-at-Havana-006.jpg
The seafront at Havana. Cubans are having to deal with the possibility of widespread redundancies as the state struggles to manage a mixed economy. Photograph: Desmond Boylan/Reuters

It was supposed to be the start of a brave new world in which the customer was king. But the teenage boy in the barber's chair stared at his reflection, aghast and almost crying. "What have you done?" he asked, caressing uneven clumps on a shorn scalp.

The barber, a fortysomething man with a grubby white coat, put down the scissors, lit a cigarette, and shrugged. "Looks OK to me. Don't know what you're on about."

The young customer examined his head from different angles, each worse than the last. "It's like …" – he struggled for words – "a tennis ball. A bald bloody tennis ball." The barber took another drag and put out his hand. "Forty pesos. Have a nice day."

The scene on Neptuno street, a crumbling, sun-bleached quarter near downtown Havana, was a taste of Cuba's challenge in transforming its socialist economy with a sweeping privatisation drive.

Authorities announced yesterday they will lay off more than 1 million state employees in the island's biggest economic shake-up since the 1960s. Cuts begin immediately, with 500,000 jobs due to go by March. Loosened controls on private enterprise will, it is hoped, jumpstart the private sector and turn former public workers into entrepreneurs.

"Our state cannot and should not continue maintaining companies, productive entities, services and budgeted sectors with bloated payrolls [and] losses that hurt the economy," said the official Cuban labour federation, which announced the news.

"Job options will be increased and broadened with new forms of non-state employment, among them leasing land, co-operatives and self-employment, absorbing hundreds of thousands of workers in the coming years," it said.

In fact, the changes started in April with a pilot scheme to privatise barbers and hairdressers. Formerly state employees – about 85% of the labour force works for the communist state – they were told to take over their own salons, charge whatever they wanted, pay tax – and court customers.

As the barber showed, providing good customer service, let alone expanding market share, is an alien concept to many accustomed to receiving the same pittance wage regardless of job performance. "I don't want to take over this place," Luis, the barber, who preferred not to give his surname, told the Guardian. "How do I know it'll make a profit? How do I pay suppliers?"

Like it or not, those are questions many more Cubans will soon be asking after receiving their pink slips. The authorities, according to a 26-page party document leaked to the Associated Press, have a plan for them to raise rabbits, paint buildings, make bricks, collect garbage and pilot ferries across Havana's bay.

Some of those let go will be urged to form private co-operatives, others will be directed towards foreign-run companies and joint ventures, and others will be encouraged to set up their own small businesses.

The Communist party document admitted lack of experience, insufficient skill levels and low initiative could sink new enterprises. "Many of them could fail within a year," it says.

After half a century of official certitude about being its socialist course, Cuba is entering new waters. Its final destination remains unclear. "A hybrid is evolving which can't be said to be any one thing," said Julia Sweig, a Cuba expert at the Council on Foreign Relations thinktank. "We're seeing a uniquely Cuban transition but within the global economy."

Unemployment last year was officially 1.7%, but with average monthly salaries of only $20, supplemented by a ration book and free health care and education, many Cubans make minimal efforts, prompting an old joke: "They pretend to pay us and we pretend to work." Che Guevara's dream of creating a "socialist man" motivated by moral rather than material incentives has long been abandoned.
This week's announcement – widely reported across state media – has been trailed since Raul Castro succeeded his brother Fidel as president in 2008. "We have to erase forever the notion that Cuba is the only country in the world in which people can live without working," he told the national assembly last month. The decades-old US embargo – a crippling, punitive measure – could no longer be blamed for all the island's woes, he said.

It was no longer possible to protect and subsidise salaries on an unlimited basis and cuts will affect all government sectors, said the labour federation. "Losses that hurt our economy are ultimately counterproductive, creating bad habits and distorting worker conduct."

Workers at the ministries of sugar, public health, tourism and agriculture will be let go first, according to the Communist party document. The last in line will be those at civil aviation and the ministries of foreign relations and social services.

To ease the pain, authorities hope to energise the stunted private sector by encouraging Cubans to raise animals, grow vegetables, drive taxis, repair vehicles, make sweets and dried fruit and seek building work.

Leftwingers abroad may feel let down by the cuts, but Cuban officials believe the thriving black market is an indicator that the private sector will soak up surplus labour. Such consensus would contrast with Britain, Ireland and Greece, among others, where cutbacks have triggered vocal protests.

One Havana-based western diplomat was less sanguine about Cuba's response, especially as there were simultaneous cuts in subsidies for food, cigarettes and other products which people used to barter. "People knew this was coming, but now it's here, it's real, and they're worried. Bosses will get rid of the least productive employees, the ones who don't work or show up for work. The type of people who may lack the get up and go to start a business. People wonder if there will be a rise in crime, or social protests."

Europe was enduring its own economic travails but was at least accustomed to unemployment, said the diplomat. "People here aren't used to being threatened with losing their job. They may complain their salary is only $15 a month, but that's $15 more than nothing."

The US journalist who elicited Fidel Castro's apparent admission that Cuba's economic model does not work has insisted the quote accurately reflected the former president's views. Castro confirmed uttering the nine-word remark, which caused widespread astonishment, but said he had been misinterpreted and that he had meant the "exact opposite".

At the end of a lunch in Havana Castro told Daniel Goldberg, a correspondent with the Atlantic magazine: "The Cuban model doesn't even work for us anymore."
The comandante was in full flow, touching on many different topics at the same time, said Goldberg. "I don't want to call it a throwaway line but it was kind of semi-stream of consciousness."

Goldberg said he was surprised at Castro's subsequent attempt to explain away the remark. "I don't know how you can interpret that as its opposite.
The 84-year-old had made similar admissions before, said the journalist, and economic changes underway on the island made it "a truism that the Cuban model isn't working".

Julia Sweig, a Cuba expert who also attended the lunch, backed Goldberg's version and said Castro's apparent U-turn was aimed at a domestic audience.
"He wanted to say that although we're changing our model that doesn't mean we're importing US-style capitalism," she said.

Castro's spate of public appearances and comments, said Sweig, were "spontaneous" but fitted the economic reform strategy of his brother and successor, Raul Castro.

Raúl Castro said: “The Cuban government and its enterprises might have more than one million excess workers on their payrolls.” To the total open unemployment of “more than one million,” it would be necessary to add the "hidden unemployment," kind of underemployment, and the latent one.

We are talking of the enormous military and repressive apparatus, of the bloated government bureaucracy and the Cuban communist party. An approximate calculus of the open, hidden and latent unemployment could surpass the number of 2.5 million people unemployed in today's Cuba.

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This is a corrupt system where the party leaders and the apparatchik get their rewards, while the common people are kept on a short leash with do-nothing jobs and ration cards to stifle their initiative as well as keeping track of them so as to prevent any self initiative that would upset the ruling class that call this socialism. It is nothing but totalitarianism to benefit the party elite.

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All progressive, Marxist governments do exactly the same. This is the way they have devised to keep as many "masses" as possible quiet and loyal.

Anyone who has witnessed government runs restaurants inside Cuba with absurdly high meal prices and mediocre food is familiar with the meaning of the word "underemployed." To see waiters and staff languish around all day without even one patron occupying a table is to know the true nature of communism in the real world.

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The simple truth is that with employment guaranteed, regardless of price, product or demand, there is no real incentive for creativity. Even if needed change was desired, how difficult it is to be "permitted"? This truth lies at the heart of the problems facing the brothers regime. This system collapses simply from the absurdity and evil of its own nature.

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How can a country the size of Cuba with great weather depend on outside help for food? The inefficient Castro brothers regime now imports about 85% of the foodstuff. The ration book accounts only for 1,000 daily calories per capita, a third of the calories recommended by FAO. In 1958 the consumption in Cuba was 2,870 daily calories per capita (source: UNO Demographic Yearbook, 1955-1959. FAO).

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The Cuban agriculture system will never recover until farmers are allowed to sell their crops to anyone they wish. Raul tried to give out land and hardly anyone has taken it because they don’t want to go through all the hassles of farming without the proper farm tools, to then be forced to sell the crops to the government at the their prices. Cuban farmers are very capable, as evidenced by all the great grow houses we have in Miami, but if there is no incentive to farm, they will keep working in one of those pretend government jobs. A well known saying among Cubans is: "we pretend to work and they pretend to pay us."

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The Castro regime in his Second Report on Implementation of the Millennium Goals sends to United Nations, July 2005, said of the ration book: “it guarantees approximately half the per capita calories consumption of the Cuban population”

The ration book provides only 1,000 per capita daily calories, good for 10 to 15 days of monthly food requirements, depending on eating habits.

Cuban Ration Book

Monthly Ration per person (In reality a number of items frequently fail to show up in the stores):

1- Ground soya beef 8 ounces plus 8oz of other meats (hot dogs, mortadella)
2 - Eggs 10 units
3 - Fish 10 ounces
4 - Bread one roll daily (3 ounces)
5 - 1 liter of milk daily for children under 7 years
6 - 1 liter soya yogurt for children between 7 and 13 years
7 - Rice 5 lb
8 - Potatoes 4 lb (dropped from the ration book November 2009)
9 - Sugar 5 lb
10 - Coffee 4 ounces (mixed with peas)
11 - Chicken half-pound
12 - Vegetable oil 16 ounces
13 - Spaghetti (dried pasta) half-pound
14 - Beans 10 ounces
15 - Peas 10 ounces (dropped from the ration book November 2009)
16 – Salt 6 ounces

Source: Distribution list at the retail stores run by the MINCIN.

A rough estimate of the total calories of the monthly ration is 28,500 calories, equivalent to 950 daily calories, assuming all the items in the ration book are available in the stores.

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Cuba is an excellent example of how a very successful nation in the western hemisphere was destroyed by socialism in the 20th century. There are so few positive things to say about communist dictatorships like Cuba, that leftists everywhere have no choice but to point out flaws in other countries to keep some of their self-respect.

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Why not dismiss the two main responsible of Cuba deplorable situation, the Castro brothers? It is now that the Castro brothers realize that their political opponents were right. Many in the 80 and 90 urge the Castro government to make deep economic reforms. They responded to them with repression, prison or exile. Do they realize now that Fidel Castro has always been an inept ruler? Give me a break.

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It looks that the fantasy island is leaking water on all sides, and the funny thing is how it has lasted for so long. The people, hostage of egocentric leaders, end up driving over the edge by those that command them. The fall of the island should serve to cut the fantasies of harmful leaderships on the rest of the world, and especially in Latin America. Revolution or death! The dictator shouts. The answer is served: death to the dictatorship. I do believe that a civil uprising will occur, but it takes informed and energetic citizens to start the process.

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The only way for the regime to incentive private business is to have access to capital. Who in their right mind is going to finance them if there is no guarantee that one will get repaid. The regime has defaulted and owns a staggering $68 billion to his creditors. The way to accelerate the regime collapse is to keep the sanctions in place. After that happens, it will be possible to give the private businesses access to capital.

Seen what Cuban Americans have done in Miami, there is optimism that the deprive Cuban people will be successful too in the running of businesses and creation of jobs and improvement of their daily lives.

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It took the Castro brothers only a few years to destroy the growing economy of the fifties. After 53 years in power the economy is in shambles. They will not be able to revive it in a near future even if the US Congress repeals the embargo, unless massive amount of foreign aid and credits are provided to the regime.

Castroism deserves this ending of failure and the attention of the world while his regime implodes. The way his dictatorship is going to end is not with a bang, but with pink slip.

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Who is going to provide the Castros’ regimen with credits to purchase raw materials and supplies? The regimen tighten control economy will not be able to provide the required supplies and other initial start up expenses, since it is suffering a liquidity crisis.

Looking at the previous reforms of the economy introduced in the early 1990’s, after the demise of the Soviet Union, these “new” reforms are very similar to the previous ones. At that time they open up the economy to the private sector but tightly controlled it. When they estimated that the recovery was enough, went back and eliminated most of the private sector small enterprises. Based on those experiences and the regime across the board regulations and high taxes of the private sector, the lack of a strategy to provide access to raw materials, capital and foreign investment, will result in a total failure to revitalize the economy.

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The simple truth is that with employment guaranteed, regardless of price, product or demand, there is no real incentive for creativity. Even if needed change was desired, how difficult it is to be "permitted"? This truth lies at the heart of the problems facing the brothers regime. This system collapses simply from the absurdity and evil of its own nature.

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The regime employs more than 85% of workers. It is practically an exclusive employer in the island. It will be very interesting to find out where 500,000 Cubans, out of work and with minimal skills, are going to find employment. The small private sector in Cuba doesn’t have the capability to absorb that huge amount of unemployed workers.

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The economic and social conditions are deteriorating at such a rapid pace in the island that the regime will has to set up the conditions for another Mariel boat lift, in order to relieve the increasing internal pressure. The administration shall prepare a strategist to deal with a new wave of Cuban escaping from the island and seen refuge in the US. This could create an increasingly tense diplomatic confrontation with the Cuban regime.

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Any investment in Cuba under Castro brothers’ dictatorship is equivalent to invest on an impossible dream of a Socialist paradise. The regime shadow tourists in the guise of officially provided "tour guides." Cuban workers who work for foreign companies are pay by the regimen in pesos, which in turned collect their salaries in hard currency from those companies. The regime pays those companies employees what it estimate they are worth, not what they actually paid the regime for the labor of those workers. You get the picture. Trading with Cuba in order to benefit the US economy and the Cuban people, comes down to removing the Castro brothers and theirs henchmen from the loop, otherwise, it's just more of the same.

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Convertible Castros?
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748703376504575491812058317 110.html
Property rights are key to reforming the Cuban economy

WSJ Opinion
September 16, 20010

An old joke from the Soviet era had it that “We pretend to work and they pretend to pay us.” Most Cubans stopped pretending to work a long time ago, and this week the Castro regime announced that it will now stop pretending to pay them.

That might be the best way to think about the news, reportedly contained in an Aug. 24 internal document, that Cuba’s Communist Party is proposing to lay off more than 500,000 workers by March 2011 because it can no longer afford to maintain its “bloated payrolls.” If nothing else, this is an historic acknowledgment that the revolution has failed—and from its own architects.

But the news may be less momentous than the headlines. Raúl Castro, who took over as president from his ailing brother Fidel in 2006, has given numerous speeches bemoaning the low productivity of Cuban workers and the government’s fiscal straits. Two hurricanes last year and the global recession have hit revenues from tourism and nickel mining. The government and the country—once the third richest in Latin America—are as decrepit as the ‘57 Chevys on Havana’s streets.

This is also not the first such bow in the direction of market reform. After the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of Soviet subsidies, Castro courted foreign investment and allowed Cubans to open small restaurants, ferry foreigners as taxis and use the U.S. dollar.

But as the state recovered financially and Hugo Chávez appeared as a new source of subsidy, Cuban perestroika was put on ice. The limited privileges of small entrepreneurs were withdrawn. Not coincidentally, a crackdown on political dissidents began in 2003.

Now the regime claims it will again allow entrepreneurship. Cubans will be allowed to raise rabbits, make bricks, collect garbage and grow vegetables, among other things. And the state will again welcome foreign investment.

Is Cuba moving in a new direction? Surely it wants the world to think so. But the lack or property rights remains. Foreign investors from the likes of Chile and Spain have learned the hard way that Fidel’s inner circle has the ultimate control about profits. That reality will deter foreign investment until it changes.

The lesson of economic reform in China, Vietnam and other Communist regimes is that they must include the genuine freedom to make and trade goods, earn money and keep the profits. Cubans can only do that now on the black market. The dual currency system, in which they can earn money only in non-convertible pesos but must shop for most items priced in the dollar-linked peso, condemns most Cubans to poverty.

The talk of reform is also an attempt to encourage the U.S. Congress to drop the travel ban on Cuba. We long ago supported dropping the entire embargo on Cuba, but the U.S. ought to at least get something for this concession if the Castros are so eager for it. The deal could include releasing political prisoners, repealing the laws that landed them in jail and allowing foreign investors to directly hire and pay workers. Meantime, we doubt Cuba will really change until Fidel finally goes to his eternal punishment.




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Cuba Slashes Tobacco Crop by 30 Percent Due to Recession
http://www.cigarettesreviews.com/cuba-slashes-tobacco-crop-by-30-percent-due-to-recession

October 7, 2009

HAVANA – Cuba has reduced the area of its 2009 tobacco crop by almost 30 percent and the harvest forecast by 16 percent, to 22,500 tons, as a consequence of the global recession, officials said Tuesday.

The cutbacks are due to “the economic troubles that have generated a crisis” on the island, as well as the “financial restrictions that made it impossible to obtain the necessary resources,” according to a statement on the Web page of the National Statistics Office, or ONE.

The amount of land planted with tobacco was reduced from 28,200 hectares (69,629 acres) to 19,800 hectares (48,888 acres), while average yield is expected to rise from 0.95 tons to 1.10 tons per hectare (0.38 tons to 0.45 tons per acre), the ONE said.

Cuba is going through one of its worst economic crises in decades due to the drop in exports, the rising cost of imports, three devastating hurricanes in 2008, the trade and financial embargo of the United States, and the deficiencies of its own system.

Cuba produces some of the best tobacco in the world and is famous for brands of cigars like Montecristo, Cohiba, Partagas and Hoyo de Monterrey, whose sales have fallen in 2008 and 2009 because of the international crisis.

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As Cuba gives private sector a try, experts ponder future
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/09/16/AR2010091606728.html

By William Booth
Washington Post Foreign Service
Friday, September 17, 2010

MEXICO CITY - As Cuba embarks on a bold new experiment - firing 500,000 state workers and letting them plunge into freer markets - experts in the region are watching to see whether the communist government and its baby entrepreneurs can salvage the economy without sacrificing the nation's "socialism or death" model.

The government layoffs, amounting to 10 percent of the 5 million state employees in Cuba, represent the most significant economic changes since President Raul Castro took over from his ailing older brother, the semiretired maximum leader Fidel, in summer 2006.

"It is a major step forward," said Wayne Smith, former chief of the U.S. Interests Section in Cuba and a senior fellow at the Center for International Policy. "But they have little choice but to try something because the economy is going down the tubes."

Since assuming power, the younger Castro, 79, has pointedly complained that the Cuban state can no longer employ its bloated workforce. "We must erase forever the notion that Cuba is the only country in the world where you can live without working," he said.

Many workers in Cuba barely show up and do very little productive work when they do. In government offices in Havana, coffee and cigarette breaks last hours, sometimes days. State-run cafeterias open for a few hours, suddenly run out of bad food and close as lines of customers wait.

It is not that Cubans are lazy - just the opposite, economists say. But even with their food ration cards, the average Cuban government salary of $20 a month barely provides enough to live on, though the state provides housing, education and medical care.

As Cubans like to say, "The government pretends to pay us and we pretend to work."

The island is suffering a brutal economic crisis in which its official gross national product has plummeted from 12 percent growth to 1 percent, as nickel prices, tourism and international investment all slump. The Cubans were so desperate that they froze the accounts of foreign investors on the island earlier this year. Independent economists say that without subsidies of Venezuelan oil from Hugo Chavez, the Cuban economy would flat-line.

Whether the state-run Cuban economy can really make space for a more robust private sector remains unknown. According to a government PowerPoint presentation, first published by the Associated Press, state economists envision that the least productive, least disciplined workers should be laid off, followed by others who perform unnecessary jobs. All 500,000 workers are scheduled to be pink-slipped by March 2011, the government announced in Communist Party newspapers and on state television Monday.

"It's a big deal, a big breakthrough, because for the first time the government acknowledges that the private sector, the small-business operators, are not bit players but a strategic part of the Cuban economy, that they are the solution, that they will help save Cuba," said Philip Peters, a scholar at the Lexington Institute and adviser to the Cuba Working Group in the U.S. Congress.

About 823,000 Cubans already have jobs in the private sector, most of them working in government-approved cooperatives. But the state still employs about 85 percent of the workforce.

What will the hundreds of thousands of Cubans who suddenly have no day job do? The document suggests that they will have to hustle for themselves. No plans have been announced for capital injections, small-business loans, retraining or more opportunities for foreign investment. No large, relatively successful state enterprises are for sale or lease.

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Philip Peters article says the following with regard to the self-employment:

"It is a major step forward," said Wayne Smith.

"It's a big deal, a big breakthrough, because for the first time the government acknowledges that the private sector, the small-business operators, are not bit players but a strategic part of the Cuban economy, that they are the solution, that they will help save Cuba"

A major step forward?; A Big deal?; A big breakthrough?; For the first time?

Phil Peters apparently is unaware that this is not the first time the Castros military dictatorship has used private employment to save it from the economic disaster of its own, as this Reuters article from 1995 indicate:

Self-Employment May Be Answer to Cuba's Problems
http://articles.latimes.com/1995-02-23/business/fi-35357_1_cuba-employ ment-goods

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Excerpts from the article "Self-Employment May Be Answer to Cuba's Problems":

“Workers here, no longer guaranteed a meal ticket for life in state industry, will have to look increasingly at areas such as self-employment if they want a job, says the country's top trade unionist.

Pedro Ross, president of the Cuban Workers Union and a member of the ruling Communist Party's Politburo, stressed in a recent interview that there was a need for a flexible labor market amid Cuba's current economic reforms

A total of some 500,000 people could end up being moved from their current jobs amid the country's drive to cut state costs, including subsidies paid to loss-making industry, he said.

Cuba is facing the obvious headache of what to do with surplus workers as it tries to pull out of deep recession triggered by the collapse of communism in the former Soviet bloc.

Some independent economists have put the number of people who would be shunted out of their jobs in an efficient economy at 1 million or more.”

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This Philip Peters gaffe will soon be ignored by the media the next time they quote from him. Even though the media can’t depend on the credibility of his information, they would every time depend on it, since this is what they want to hear, and ultimately that is all that matter to them.

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The majority of “Cuba experts” are just following what the regime wants to say, and the media quote them along the lines of their reports on Cuba. It is very telling that not one of them is Cuban or of Cuban heritage. It looks that being Cuban is a disqualifying factor for many news organization searching for a “Cuba experts” to explain in detail Cuban relate topics.

These "Cuba experts" have a common viewpoint with regard to the embargo, they oppose it. They also share their serious lack of insight into the Cuban dissident organizations.

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In spite of the huge Soviet Union subsidies, the regime economy fell gradually into poverty. Raul believes the communist system can be fixed using capitalist tools. The reality is that he can’t change it. The regime control of the economy caused the actual problems, which can’t be reverse by lukewarm application of capitalist tools.

Cuba sugar production under the communist regime reach only 1.1 million tons in 2010, less than 100 years ago. In 1959 Cuba exported 5.0 million tons. In the years just preceding the 1959 Revolution, Cuba has been the larger exporter of sugar cane in the world. Who would have imagined a few years ago that the world's largest exporter of sugar would have to resort to external supplies to meet its needs?

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Cuba was one of the most prosperous countries in Latin America before 1959. Under the Castro brothers military dictatorship the island economy has been ruined beyond recognition, transforming it into a third world country. After 51 years of a failure still there are people defending this regime

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Cuba is an excellent example of how a very successful nation in the western hemisphere was destroyed by state run collectivism in the 20th century. There are so few positive things to say about communist dictatorships like Cuba, that leftists everywhere have no choice but to point out flaws in other countries to keep some of their self-respect.

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Layoffs in Cuba
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/09/19/AR2010091903556.html

Editorial Washington Post

RAÚL AND FIDEL Castro find themselves in a jam. The gerontocratic rulers of Cuba are facing the worst economic crisis in decades: Food production is falling, the last sugar harvest was the worst in a century and only billions in subsidies from Venezuela's erratic Hugo Chávez are keeping the country afloat. Yet 79-year-old Raúl and 84-year-old Fidel are determined to preserve as much as possible of the country's failed socialist system -- and they have no intention of allowing greater political freedom.

So the brothers are launching a series of economic half measures and political feints in the hope of patching their regime without having to change it. The latest came last week with the announcement that 500,000 Cuban workers -- or 10 percent of the state labor force -- would be laid off from their jobs. Some will be shifted directly to the private sector by turning small state enterprises into private cooperatives, while the rest will be expected to find work in an expanded "self-employment" sphere, where Cubans are licensed to work in such vocations as toy repairman and piñata producer.

Some Cuba watchers have proclaimed this the biggest economic upheaval since the 1960s and predicted that Cuba will soon resemble China and Vietnam, capitalist countries governed by communist dictatorships. In reality, the Castros appear to intend something closer to the emergency reforms that were introduced in the early 1990s, after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Private employment was also allowed to expand then but was tightly controlled. In this instance, too, the regime expects to blanket the new private sector with regulations and taxes and has no plans to provide capital, access to materials, or foreign investment.

Predictably, apologists for the Castros and for U.S. corporate agriculture greeted the half step with renewed calls for the lifting of what remains of the embargo on trade with Cuba, or at least the end of all restrictions on travel.

This, too, is part of the Castros' strategy. The regime has begun slowly releasing political prisoners into exile -- another limited concession that it has made before -- in the expectation that the Obama administration will respond and that a wave of American tourists will arrive with desperately needed dollars. In fact, the administration reportedly is planning a liberalization of travel restrictions, though not a lifting of the tourism ban.
Such an adjustment, which would return U.S. policy to where it was during the Clinton administration, may be the best response to the Castros' half measures.

Fundamental changes of U.S. policy toward Cuba should await fundamental reforms by the regime. When average Cubans are allowed the right to free speech and free assembly, along with that to cut hair and trim palm trees, it will be time for American tourists and business executives to return to the island.
This Washington Post editorial about Cuba is based on facts and common sense. The regime will hit the private sector with regulations and taxes that will hamper their ability to hire people. Beside it has no plans to provide capital, attract foreign investment or access to raw material and tool, making the recovery very difficult if not impossible.

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The island remains a basket case in the Western Hemisphere. A so call “paradise”, which has been propped up by other communist regimes, and now by the regime of Hugo Chavez. A place without freedom and disrespect for human rights. The US shall not prop up the system by allowing hard currency to enter the island via the US. It should stop rewarding the Castroit monarchical tyranny.

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The people will now realize that the Cuban nanny state is a wicked old crone who starves them. What excuses will the Tyrannosaurus give for justifying his oppression of 11.2 million people? There is no decent health care for Cubans without dollars, food is scarce and now not even badly paid employment is guaranteed. Cubans sold their souls to a tyrant and got little in return.

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Venezuela's Chávez Fills $9.4 Billion Yearly Post-Soviet Gap in Cuba’s Accounts

“In nominal terms, the Venezuelan subsidy is higher than whatever subsidy the Soviet Union gave to Cuba,” says Carmelo Mesa, a Cuban economist who’s a visiting professor at Tulane University.

By Jeremy Morgan
Latin American Herald Tribune staff

CARACAS – Time was when the Castro regime in Cuba looked to the Soviet Union to keep its economic head above water. That was until the USSR fell apart two decades ago and the well of subsidies dried up.

Hard times were had by most people in Havana and elsewhere on the sugar cane island. A new rich friend was needed, and around a decade ago, duly appeared. Venezuela’s President Hugo Chávez came to the much-needed rescue, and continues to do so to this day, even if Chávez’s favored mentor, the ailing Fidel, has made way for his brother, Raúl.

In nominal terms, at least, Caracas looks to be as open-handed towards Havana as Moscow ever was. According to Carmelo Mesa, a Cuban economist who’s a visiting professor at Tulane University in the United States, Venezuela bankrolled Cuba to the tune of $9.4 billion last year.

This includes $2 billion to take account of the cost of subsidizing Venezuelan oil exports to Cuba. Venezuela sends oil to Cuba at a “preferential” price of just $27 a barrel.

That price is below even the low point of a little over $34 a barrel that the price of Venezuela’s mix of medium-grade and heavy crude oil hit at the end of last year. At present, Venezuela's oil basket is wobbling up and down at around $60 a barrel.

Venezuela is also calculated to have footed the bill for $1.37 billion for 76 bilateral projects last year. More of these are said to be waiting in the wings, and in addition, there’s the (perhaps theoretical) cost of servicing Cuba’s burgeoning debts to Venezuela.

However, the biggest ticket item on last year’s account is said to have been Barrio Adentro, the flagship project launched by Chávez in 2003 to bring basic medical services to poor barrios across Venezuela.

Chávez adjudged the existing state health service to have fallen down on the job; he lambasted the medical profession for turning their backs on the poor; he set up Barrio Adentro; and he staffed it largely with doctors, nurses and other medical staff brought in from Cuba.

To some extent, this made sense. For all the shortcomings of the Castro regime, presumed or actual, Cuba trains many medical professionals, even if the courses are much shorter in years. experience and technology than Western countries would expect from their doctors.

This, it would seem, has not come cheaply. According to Mesa’s breakdown, which was published Monday by the conservative (and quite openly anti-Chávez) newspaper, El Universal, the payroll for Cuban medical and ancillary staff at Barrio Adentro reached $5.6 billion in 2008.

News of this came after a string of reports to the effect that Barrio Adentro began to come apart at the seams quite some time ago. One reason for this, it was said, that Cubans had used Barrio Adentro to leave Cuba, and then piggie-backed on Chávez’s parallel public health program to make their way into private practice, not least of all in the highly lucrative health market in the United States.

There are some problems with this. If so many Cubans had used Barrio Adentro for their own purposes, how come the payroll costs remained so high?

Mesa puzzled about this, evidently convinced that a lot of Cubans had flown the coop. “What happened with all these Cuban doctors that there were, and for whom Venezuela paid this sum last year?” he asked. “Where are these doctors?” To him, the situation was “inexplicable.”

In this context, it’s now being remembered that none other than Chávez himself finally rang an alarm bell about what was going on (or not) at Barrio Adentro last month.

On September 20, Chavez reported that 2,000 centers in the Barrio Adentro network didn’t actually have any medical staff. By then, the evidence of one’s own eyes indicated that he’d got a point, in that at least some of the centers had acquired a distinctly abandoned air about them.

Declaring an “emergency” in the health sector, Chávez announced that he would bring in a whole lot more Cubans, or Venezuelans who’d been trained in Cuba, all over again. They would arrive on October 8, he added, 1,111 Cubans and 213 Cuban-trained Venezuelans in all, and they would include specialists in a range of medical skills.

However, by this week, all talk of a rescue job had evidently been consigned to the past. On Monday, Chávez rang up the state channel VTV to extol the virtues of the health sector, claiming that Venezuela was “one of the countries which offer the best and most ample health systems.”

Chávez was in Bolívar state, opening a new “integral diagnosis” center boasting 24 doctors, six nurses and other personnel. As to Barrio Adentro, he said, at present it had “more than 13,165” doctors working for it, the majority of them Cubans with “some” Venezuelans.

The president urged everybody to give Barrio Adentro a new impulse, regardless of whether he was around to make it happen, and then he denied that it was being “relaunched” because it had never gotten behind. Instead, it was being strengthened by “rectification” and by giving it impulse anew.

But while Barrio Adentro hogs the limelight in the Cuban-Venezuelan relationship, it’s by no means the only important element in the bilateral equation. Mesa cited statistics from the University of Miami showing that the Cuban government’s debts to Venezuela had reached $11.4 billion, of which $4.6 billion had accumulated on the oil account alone.

This implied that even as the Cubans were benefiting from the low-cost oil, they weren’t actually keeping up payments on the bill. And in the process, Venezuela has become Cuba’s biggest single trading partner in what to all intents in purposes looks rather like a one-way street, amid signs that Venezuela might well be paying the bill in both directions.

Cuba’s total foreign trade was worth $17.9 billion, according to Cuban statistics quoted by Mesa. Out of this overall total, Cuban exports to Venezuela came out at just $415 million, Venezuela’s exports to Cuba at $4.47 billion.

Cuba’s overall trade deficit totalled $10.56 billion last year. Of this, Mesa continued, $4.06 billion corresponded to Venezuela, or 38 percent of the total shortfall on all trade.

Mesa asked how a bilateral trade deficit of over $4 billion last year alone was being covered. At this juncture, he pointed to the bill for Barrio Adentro, suggesting that this was how the gap was being filled.

Mesa concluded that Venezuela was the biggest provider of subsidy to Cuba, and perhaps ever. “In nominal terms, the Venezuelan subsidy is higher than whatever subsidy the Soviet Union gave to Cuba,” he claimed.

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Editorial: Cuba facing record-breaking coffee shortage
http://www.scrippsnews.com/node/56853


An editorial / By Dale McFeatters, Scripps Howard News Service

With suspicious haste, Cuba's communist government abruptly announced it would let private farmers cultivate their crops on government land. Now we have an inkling why: The government wanted to get out while the getting was good.

The Communist Party newspaper Granma is bracing the population for a severe coffee shortage. Cuba was once a major coffee exporter. At the time of the revolution it was producing 60,000 tons annually and, as recently as the '70s, 28,000 to 30,000 tons a year.

Last year's coffee harvest was the worst in history and this fall the island will produce only 6,700 tons, according to an agriculture ministry official quoted by Granma. And the government says it can't afford the $40 million-plus a year to make up the shortfall through imports.

The Associated Press said the newspaper cited "inefficiency and negligence" for the poor production and that to improve output the government had stopped the Communist practice of using ill-trained students to harvest the crop.

The AP notes that super-strong shots of espresso heavily laced with sugar are a way of life in Cuba. And there's still more bad news on that front. This year's harvest in a country that once led the world in sugar production was just 1.23 million tons, the worst since 1905.

Fidel Castro recently told an American journalist, "The Cuban model doesn't even work for us any more." Somehow this will come as no surprise to Cubans battling caffeine withdrawal.

But help is on the way. Privately planted coffee trees will be producing beans in four to five years.

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Cuba coffee beans production in 1958 reached 43,600 MT and was able to export 11,200 MT even with a guerrilla war going on in in the main coffee growing area. In 2010 the coffee production reached only 5,500 MT. The coffee production keep going down, with a huge 87.4% reduction compare to 1958.

The island is an excellent example of how a very successful nation in the western hemisphere was destroyed by Castroism in the 20th century. There are so few positive things to say about communist dictatorships like Cuba, that leftists everywhere have no choice but to point out flaws in other countries to keep some of their self-respect.

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Cuba's Pre-Existing Condition
http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2010/10/04/cubas_pre_existing_condition
It's too late for the Castros to create a market economy

BY JOSÉ AZEL |

Last month, the Cuban government said it planned to fire 500,000 state employees, and perhaps over 1 million, saying "our state cannot and should not continue supporting... state entities with inflated payrolls, losses that damage the economy, are counterproductive, generate bad habits, and deform the workers' conduct."

Some heralded the announcement as a long-awaited sign that Havana under Gen. Raúl Castro is finally moving toward a market economy, others voiced substantial skepticism, and Marxists denounced it as a betrayal of communist orthodoxy. So, where is Cuba headed?

Most likely, nowhere fast. Far from being a hopeful indication that Raúl is serious about economic reform, the abrupt layoffs reveal a government that is simply desperate to make ends meet. And they offer yet more evidence that Cuba, one of the last countries in the world to cling to Joseph Stalin's bankrupt ideology, is not interested in joining -- or, to be charitable, does not know how to join -- the globalized, 21st-century world.

Ironically, the official announcement of the firings was made by the Cuban Workers Union -- the labor union controlled by the Communist Party. Anywhere but in repressive totalitarian regimes, the dismissal of 10 percent of all government workers would have been met with massive protests. But this is Cuba, where even though about 85 percent of the workforce of 5 million is employed by the state, there was nary a peep on the streets.

The announcement, couched in typical Orwellian doublespeak, raises more questions than it answers. "It is necessary to revitalize the socialist principle of distribution and pay to each according to the quantity and quality of their work," it read, a blundering contradictory attempt to tie the layoffs to Karl Marx's socialist maxim, "from each according to his ability, to each according to his needs." The government also said it would grant permits for those fired to seek to make a living "outside the state sector" as if it is unspeakable to talk of a private sector.

In Cuba, a state permit is required even to shine shoes -- along with 178 other private economic activities that include mostly individual service activities from baby-sitting to washing clothes. It is also unclear exactly how those selected for dismissal will be chosen; seniority, patronage, friendship, ideological purity, or some form of capitalist or socialist merit? Will race or gender play a role in these massive firings? Will the dismissals disproportionately target those who receive remittances from abroad? Perhaps more important, how are those fired supposed to find jobs? In an economy with developed private competitive markets, employees dismissed from one firm have a fighting chance of securing employment in another. But in Cuba's economic system, the government controls most economic activity. There is no private sector to absorb the unemployed. Where will they find employment?

Perhaps most bizarre is that the dismissal measure seems to assume that everyone is temperamentally suited to be an entrepreneur and make a living in fields that might be far from his or her work experience and professional training. The Cuban government is betting on the resourcefulness and entrepreneurship of the Cuban people to somehow make up for the inefficiencies of the state sector and do so without access to cash, credit, raw materials, equipment, technology or any of the inputs necessary to produce goods and services. Ironically, the most likely source for these inputs will be the Cuban diaspora, which will be eager to help its unemployed relatives and friends. Manuel Orozco, a remittances expert at the Washington-based think tank Inter-American Dialogue, underlines that, telling Reuters, "Liberalizing the economy could lead to 10 percent of Cubans receiving remittances to invest in small businesses."

This could be a motivation for the Cuban government to disproportionately target remittance-receiving workers for dismissal. Cubans will somehow make do, but in terms of actual economic development, these measures will not work; they are not designed to. Allowing Cubans to baby-sit or make paper flowers for sale to tourists are not serious economic development measures. But just in case, hoping to capitalize on any additional economic production, the government is ready to collect onerous taxes of 25 percent for social security and up to 40 percent on income depending on the economic activity (e.g., food production will be taxed at 40 percent, artisans at 30 percent, etc.).

The government is projecting a 400 percent increase in tax revenues, presumably to be collected from the fired employees turned entrepreneurs. More likely, Cubans will find ways to avoid paying taxes by relying on the black market for these economic activities. Cuban economist and dissident Oscar Espinosa Chepe writes from Havana of the impact of Cuba's economic situation on civil society: Cuban children, he tells us, grow up witnessing how their parents, obligated by circumstances, live by theft and illegality.

Because Cubans cannot live by the results of their legitimate labors and work has ceased to be the principal source of one's livelihood, a survival ethic has evolved that justifies everything. One lesson to be learned from the transitions in the former Soviet bloc is that the success of reforms hinges on placing individual freedoms and empowerment front and center. In the decade following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the most successful transitioning countries were those that embraced political rights and civil liberties decisively: the Czech Republic, Estonia, Poland, Slovenia, East Germany, and Hungary. This is not where Cuba is headed with its "actualization of socialism."

The main reason is Cuba's Stalinist political order, which remains unchanged by this announcement. In a system that denies basic freedoms, society is debilitated and corrupted by a miasma of fear. For five decades, fear has been an integral part of the everyday Cuban existence. This fear must be conquered if any national project of transition is to stand a chance of success.

The Cuban penal code that is used to suppress dissent defines disobedience, disrespect, illicit association, possession of enemy propaganda and socially dangerous, and more as "crimes against socialist morality." In Cuba, the crime of "social dangerousness" permits the government to imprison people for activities they may commit in the future. Until this totalitarian document is reformed or wiped away, expect little to change.

Yet, some Cuba observers characterize Raúl Castro as a more pragmatic leader than his older brother. And though this mightbe the case in some aspects of governance, it is not a pragmatism that will lead him to embrace policy changes that may jeopardize his hold on power. More likely, this pragmatism that will induce him to formulate policies designed to perpetuate power. When Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev visited Cuba in 1989, Fidel Castro reportedly warned him "if you open a window [to democracy] you will lose all power." Even after his brother's passing, Raúl is unlikely to open the window.

There is another model that Cuban leaders ought to know well: Spain's rapid transformation in the 1970s from a dictatorship led by another aging tyrant, Francisco Franco, to a vibrant democracy that has posted some of the most impressive growth numbers of the last few decades. The ideal Cuban transition would look at lot like Spain's, though Cuba most likely doesn't have a strong enough civil society to pull it off.

Another, less hopeful parallel is that Cuba goes the way of the Soviet gerontocracy epitomized by Leonid Brezhnev, who was barely functional before his death in 1982. His successor Yuri Andropov, who was 68 years old, died two years later. He was, in turn, succeeded by the also elderly Konstantin Chernenko, who died a year after and was succeeded by Gorbachev. Compare this progression to Cuba: Fidel Castro is 84 years old and in poor health, Raúl is 79, and his supposed successor, José Ramón Machado Ventura, will turn 80 this month.

A new generation of Cuban leaders will eventually assume power. To be sure, they will likely favor continuity over radical change, but unlike the Castros, they might be receptive to democratic reform. These (likely military) officials will inherit not only a bankrupt economy, but also paralyzed, dysfunctional institutions, a discredited ideology, a disenchanted society, myriad social problems, and more. Cuba will be close to meeting the technical definition of a failed state, one that can no longer reproduce the conditions necessary for its own existence.

The Castros' successors will become heirs to a dangerous, unstable situation. With questionable legitimacy and a repressive apparatus in disarray, they will have to confront significant internal and external opposition. Their options will be very limited.

They can stay the totalitarian course and face the potential unfolding of uncontrollable events, culminating in a Ceausescu-like bloodbath, as happened in Romania. Or they can choose to become leaders of a democratic political opening and confront more manageable political loses. It may take the death of both Castros for this to pass, but theywill likely conclude that, for them, the safer and more prosperous life is the latter.

For now, the firings only highlight the dismal state of the Cuban economic model, perhaps best depicted by the old Soviet joke: "We pretend to work and they pretend to pay us." The regime in Havana is peddling a similar story today: They will pretend to reform, expecting the world will pretend to believe it. Let us hope nobody in Washington is buying.

In summary, it is possible to predict that Raul Castro pseudo reforms will be a fiasco. This attempt to remedy the irremediable is, from the social point of view, a very risky experiment, ill-considered and hasty with a high social cost. And from the economic point of view, even worse, it is sterile and counterproductive in the present Cuban context.

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Most of the time when an article about Cuba shows the total failure of the system, the author is branded a “propagandist from the anti- Castro groups.” This immediate emotional reaction to anything anti- Castro is very predictable, and shows the strong bias on the topic by those people who favor information that confirms their preconceptions or hypotheses regardless of whether the information is true or not. They don’t give a damn about the Cuban people that have to suffer Castros’ brutal tyranny for over 50 years.

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Castros’ regime trade with more than 185 countries around the world including the US. The regime hasn't pay anybody that had come to its rescue like Argentina, Canada, Spain, France, Japan, Mexico, Venezuela, and many others countries that provided it with credit to by all sort of products. The debt is staggering, more than $70 billion.

Why then can’t the Castros regime pull the island out of its poverty-stricken condition? Very simple, the Castro brothers don’t allow it. This is their way to keep control over the people and remained in power.

Why the Cubans aren’t allow the opening of their own businesses? Travel outside to other countries? Move from one city to another in the island? Build houses for themselves, for sale, trade or rent? Study at the Universities if you aren’t a supporter of the regime? Allow foreign publications inside the country? Allow the existence of opposition parties? And the list goes on. All the aforementioned are basic human rights not afforded to the Cuban people.

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Cuba is a country where their inhabitants can only buy in the gigantic company store, where the Castros move the fences of the farms at their convenience, set prices as they please, and pay to the worker-servants, in complicity with the official trade union, with simple vouchers (also known as Cuban pesos) that have no value anywhere else. A country where they offer the natural resources or the golf courses to the highest bidder, stipulating that buyers can’t be Cubans’ who manage to escaped from the plantation and demonstrated, with their results all over the world, that happiness and prosperity are possible without having to depend on megalomaniac consumed by his own ego or an ideology that no longer fool anybody.

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The subject of the Cuban economy is not economic, but political. And the subject is too huge to be in the hands of economists alone. The big mistake of many qualified experts trying to analyze the Cuban economic problems during half a century of Castroism is to regard that such an economy works and is planned and controlled like in any other country.

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New Sight for Cubans: Blizzard of Pink Slips
http://www.nytimes.com/2010/10/08/world/americas/08cuba.html?_r=1

By REUTERS
Published: October 7, 2010

HAVANA (Reuters) — Cubans faced a harsh new reality this week — dismissal slips — as the government began paring state payrolls in a cost-cutting move that has created job insecurity for the first time in years in the Communist country.

Workers were being laid off in countless industries, from hospitals to hotels, and in the biggest action to be made public so far, employees at a state-owned enterprise, the Special Protection Services Company, were told that the company would be shut down and 23,000 people let go.
It was the beginning of President Raúl Castro
’s plan to cut 10 percent of the government’s work force, or about 500,000 people, by April in the most significant overhaul attempted since he succeeded his older brother, Fidel Castro, in 2008.

The layoffs, intended to improve efficiency and reduce Cuba’s budget deficits, are the first major job cuts since the 1960s. About 85 percent of the Cuban labor force works for the state, or more than five million people, many of them in unproductive jobs. The country’s population is about 11 million.

Not all Cubans, accustomed to guaranteed employment, have been taking the news in stride.

At the Havana Libre Hotel, where many jobs are being eliminated, Communist Party officials had to be brought in to calm down workers, hotel employees said.

At a Havana hospital, a nurse said she was shocked at the magnitude of layoffs. “I expected some job cuts, but not 500 out of our 3,000 employees,” she said.

Employees at the Special Protection Services Company, which provides armed guards and other security services nationwide, said they were told of the dismissals on Tuesday.
“They said the entire comp
any was being closed, and we were offered jobs in the prison system, police and traffic,” said an employee who asked that she not be identified.

The government has said that workers who are laid off will be offered other jobs, but will have to seek work on their own if they do not take the offers.

The government has also said that this month it will begin issuing 250,000 licenses for self-employment to create new jobs and shift many workers from state payrolls to leasing and cooperative arrangements.

Still, a Havana resident said that Cubans were facing something they had not seen for decades. “I understand the need to improve the economy, but it’s hard to take after 50 years of job security,” she said. “It will be hard to get another state job as they are cutting everywhere.”

One effect appears to be that workers, fearful for jobs they once took for granted and often neglected, are taking them more seriously, a local doctor said.

“People used to stay home if they had a sniffle, and now they are going to work even if they are really sick, spreading their colds around,” he said.
The monthly salary of the average Cuban is 429 pesos according to the National Statistics Office (ONE). This is equivalent to $20 according to the official estimate. The lost of this modest income of $0.67 a day will have a grave impact on their daily live.
The low salary earned at the jobs provided by the regime is not enough, and the employees have to find ways by wheeling and dealing on the black market to make ends meet. They can’t live with those low wages and the food provided in the ration book; so they are force to “resolve”, euphemism for stealing, to feed and clothes their families and survive. I believe that this “new reality” is going to be a clear step towards the inevitable failure of the regime.

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Castro brothers’ regime is a permanent basket case, completely hopeless, unable to take care of itself. There is no decent health care for Cubans without dollars, food is scarce and now not even meager paid employment is guaranteed. They aren’t concerned about the welfare of the Cuban people.
I think that laying off 500,000 government employees is an indication that the regime may be in the process of collapsing. Dictatorships are maintained in power by privileged elite, and when they start downsizing, they start to lose control over the people and consequently their power.

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A cording to Raúl Castro, “The Cuban government and its enterprises might have more than one million excess workers on their payrolls.” (http://www.miamiherald.com/2010/04/11/1574950/raul-castro-admits-that-island.html)

To the total open unemployment of “more than one million,” it would be necessary to add the "hidden unemployment," kind of underemployment, and the latent one. An approximate calculus of the open, hidden and latent unemployment could surpass the number of 2.0 million people unemployed in today's Cuba.

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The Cuban official unemployment rate has steadily declined from 7.9 percent in 1995, despite the fact that in that year the Cuban Confederation of Workers (CTC) estimated that there were from 500,000 to 800,000 unneeded workers in the state sector, a surplus miraculously cut by 97 percent in 1997. Furthermore, after a modest expansion, the private sector that could generate new jobs has contracted since 2002; 219,000 sugar workers were dismissed in that year due to the restructuring of the sugar industry (Mesa-Lago and Pérez-López 2005).

During the mid-90s equivalent unemployment fluctuated around 25-30%, according to calculations conducted by the Economic Commission of Latin America and the Caribbean (CEPAL), based on the low productivity achieved in 1989.
Suffice it to say here that, in 2002, the government counted as “employed” 764,000 people who (1) were paid to study, (2) were dismissed from their jobs and being retrained, (3) received unemployment compensation at home because of shut down enterprises, or (4) worked part time in backyards and urban gardens. All these people equaled 16 percent of the labor force, and, because they are counted as employed, the unemployment rate was artificially cut (Mesa-Lago 2005a).” - The Cuban economy today: Salvation or Damnation? By Carmelo Mesa-Lago.

The regime claim of the virtual achievement of full employment with a 1.6 percent unemployment rate in 2008 is a statistical fabrication, corroborated by the 500,000 starting to be lay off this year, and another 500,000 more later on.

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In summary, Raul Castro pseudo reforms will be a complete failure. His attempt to rectify the failure of the economic system with massive lay off, from the social point of view, is a very risky step, ill-considered and associated with a high social cost. The regime has no plans to provide capital, attract foreign investment or access to raw material and tool, making the recovery of the economy very difficult if not impossible.

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In spite of the huge Soviet Union subsidies, the regime economy fell gradually into disrepair. Raul believes the communist system can be fixed using capitalist tools. The reality is that he can’t change it. The regime control of the economy caused the actual problems, which can’t be reverse by lukewarm application of capitalist tools.

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The dictatorial communist regime is starting lost its grip over the Cuban people. Very soon the people will realize that they are the greatest threat to the regime power and rule. They will start flexing their muscle and it will all be over in the near future as the regime comes apart.

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The economy of the Neocastrismo, based on Castroism decades of experience, has been specially designed for the basic survival of the population, not for the development nor the prosperity of it.

The economy needed to maintain hold of the totalitarian power, requires a labor impoverished and very cheap, what Marx called “the reserve army of labor”, without union rights nor resilience capacity, to be able to put it to the service of second-rate foreign investors, because it seems increasingly distant the option that major U.S. and European capital will invest in Cuba unless the dictatorial regime becomes more flexible and open political space to the Cubans.

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I have arrived to the conclusion that when Progressives speak of civil rights, they really mean socialist rights. When the civil rights come into conflict with Socialist regimes, their support for civil rights violations by those regimes disappears. Most the time they keep silence about those violations, and sometimes they mention that it is “for the greater good.” What that means is that if you are not a socialist, something awful and sometimes deadly will happen to you in the name of “the greater good of the people.”

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Cuba prepares for another bitter sugar harvest
http://uk.reuters.com/article/idUKN1820974020101018

*Government hopes to match this year's 1.1 million tonnes
*Fewer mills to open
*Joint venture talks stalled

By Marc Frank

HAVANA, Oct 18 (Reuters) - Cuba's once proud sugar industry is gearing up for the 2011 cane harvest with fewer mills scheduled to open and hopes to merely equal this year's dismal output of 1.1 million tonnes of raw sugar, the official media reported on Monday.

The Communist party newspaper Granma, quoting deputy sugar minister Adrian Jimenez Fernandez, said 39 mills would grind the cane into raw sugar, compared with 44 the previous season and 54 in 2009, with the "mission of producing a similar amount of sugar as this year's Harvest".

The harvest runs from January into May, though a few mills open in December for what is called the "little harvest."

Cubans, who saw their monthly sugar ration cut by a pound this year, are expecting further rationing in 2011 as the cash-strapped island nation tries to avoid importing sugar to meet its domestic and international obligations.

The country consumes 700,000 tonnes of sugar per year and has a 400,000 tonne toll agreement with China.

Traders said they were told the country had no sugar to sell after the September estimate came in at less than 1.1 million tonnes.

"The plan is to try to reach 1.1 million tonnes, but even that will be difficult," an industry source in the provinces said.

INVESTMENT TALKS STALLED

A local expert, who like others asked his name not be used due to a prohibition on talking with foreign journalists, said the country would be lucky to top a million tonnes.

Cuba, where sugar once was king, accounting for 90 percent of export earnings compared with under 5 percent last year, has drawn up plans to reorganize the industry and allow foreign investment for the first time since mills were nationalized in the 1960s.
But the reorganization has yet to begin and negotiations with at least two foreign companies to jointly share administration of mills and share production for a limited number of years stalled in June, foreign business sources said.

Cuba's fall from once being the world's biggest sugar exporter, producing 8 million tonnes of raw sugar annually, began with the 1991 collapse of former benefactor the Soviet Union, which had paid padded prices for Cuban sugar to boost the island's economy.

Cuba shut down and dismantled 71 of 156 mills in 2003 and relegated 60 percent of sugar plantation land to other uses. More mills have closed since then.

Only 1.7 million acres (700,000 hectares) of the over 5 million acres (2 million hectares) once controlled by Cuba's Sugar Ministry are currently dedicated to sugar cane. (Editing by; Editing by Alden Bentley)
Cuba sugar production was 1.1 million MT in 2010. The estimate for 2011 is close to one million MT with a population of 11.4 millions. In 1894, one year before the War of Independence, the island produced over one million MT with a population of 1.7 millions. More than 117 years later the Castros regime will be producing even less.

In 1959 Cuba exported 5.0 million tons. In the years just preceding the 1959 Revolution, Cuba has been the larger exporter of sugar cane in the world. Who would have imagined a few years ago that the world's largest exporter of sugar would have to resort to external supplies to meet its needs?

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How the Castros regime can explain the reasons why they have to resort to a sugar importing country like the United States, to procure a product that traditionally exported the island. Who would have imagined that Cuba would become an importer of food, even importing sugar, from the United States, of all places?

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Castro urges Cuban union to accept layoffs

By PAUL HAVEN
Associated Press

HAVANA (AP) - Cuban President Raul Castro urged union leaders to explain the need for massive layoffs to the country's labor force, and warned them not to hide the deep economic problems facing the cash-strapped island.

"The benefit of errors is that at least they give us the experience not to repeat them," Castro said in a blunt speech to leaders of the 3-million-strong Cuban Workers Confederation, which is affiliated with the Communist Party and the only labor union allowed by the government.

He said it is essential that union leaders resist the "pernicious tendency" to cover up problems, according to a report on the front page of Monday's edition of the Communist Party daily Granma.

Cuba has announced that it will lay off half a million state workers — 10 percent of the total labor force — by March, while making it easier for individuals to open up private businesses. Castro has said another half million workers will need to leave government jobs within five years.

Since taking over from his brother Fidel — first temporarily, then permanently — in 2006, Raul has worked to put fallow government land in the hands of small farmers and has railed against the inefficiency of the labor force. He has said Cuba must not be the only country in the world where people expect to get paid for not working.

Even as he has opened the door to limited capitalism, the Cuban leader has insisted that the changes are consistent with the socialist ideals of the revolution he and his brother ushered in following their 1959 ouster of dictator Fulgencio Batista.

He said Sunday that workers' acceptance of the economic overhaul is fundamental to its success.

"In order to defend and explain the (new economic) measures, the working class must have knowledge of them and be convinced of their importance to the continuation of the revolution," Granma quoted Castro as saying. "Otherwise, we will fall into the abyss."

Economy Minister Marino Murillo told union leaders the country's problems stem from the fact that workers are not productive enough to merit the salaries they earn. The average worker earns just $20 a month, but in return receives free education and health care, nearly free housing and transportation, and some basic food.

"Society is handing out consumer goods more quickly then it is creating them," Murillo said. He warned that the labor force is too heavily tilted toward the service sector, with far too few workers actually producing anything. "This labor structure would not allow any economy to function well."

In most countries, such massive layoffs as the ones taking place in Cuba would produce deep concern, and likely lead to labor unrest. But union leaders here have quickly fallen in line with the changes.

In fact, it was the Cuban Workers Confederation that officially announced the layoffs back in September.

On Sunday, union leader Salvador Valdes reiterated the organization's support for the economic overhaul, though he did put in a good word for Cuba's much-maligned workers.

"In 50 years, the working class has never failed the revolution," he said. "Because that would be like failing ourselves."
The economist and ex political prisoner Espinosa Chepe said “They don’t get to the root of the problem. The mentality continues to be the same: tight control by the State and the Party.” Without or with reform, with the current regime the country goes anyway in free fall toward the precipice.

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After 54 years the saying “We pretend to work and they pretend to pay us”, that frequently did the rounds at places of state-funded labor, has come home to roost. I guess the Left isn’t capable of grasping the lesson of “learning from others mistakes”, otherwise they will not keeping making the same mistakes over and over. In fact the regime will jump into the precipice.

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Labor union helping the regime to layoff state workers? This is really unbelievable, communist union leaders supporting the layoff of the union members. This is 1984 revisited, a world where totalitarianism really is total. This only can happen in the island of Dr. Castro.

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In the Castroit regime the expenditures are greater than the revenues. It impede the success of business, control the labor unions and the workers don’t produce. The reason is because there is no incentive to produce and excel when all you can expect in return is the same that somebody else that doesn’t produce anything. If you have to share with somebody that doesn’t work hard, then you don’t work hard either. Screw the Castroit regime and the “horse” they rode in on.

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Raul Castro touts economic changeshttp://www.miamiherald.com/2010/12/18/1979591/raul-castro-touts-economic-changes.html

Posted on Saturday, 12.18.10
By ANNE-MARIE GARCIA
Associated Press

HAVANA -- Cuban President Raul Castro told legislators Saturday that the future of the country's revolution is at stake as the government tries to institute sweeping economic reforms, adding that the changes are meant to strengthen socialism - not replace it.

Cuba has announced it will lay off a half-million workers from bloated state-run enterprises, while simultaneously allowing more free enterprise. It has also begun to scale back many of the subsidies Cubans have come to rely on to compensate for salaries that average just $20 a month.

Castro has argued that the changes are needed to boost notoriously low productivity, and that once that happens, living standards will begin to rise. He urged his countrymen to embrace the changes, and warned that anybody who doesn't will be left behind.

"The life of the revolution is in the balance," Castro said in a two-hour speech closing out a twice-yearly meeting of the island's national assembly. He repeated his contention that the dollop of limited capitalism being injected into the economy does not mean the end of the revolution's ideal to create an egalitarian utopia.

"The strategic economic changes are being made to sustain socialism," he said. "They are to preserve and strengthen socialism, so as to make it irrevocable."

Still, Castro had a message to those who wonder if the Cuban government is serious this time around - since past economic openings have fizzled.

He said the changes are "the result of profound meditations and analysis, and we can assure you this time there will be no going back."

He urged Cubans not to listen to naysayers - particularly in the United States - who have dismissed the economic changes as window-dressing.

"Our adversaries abroad, as we might expect, have challenged our every step, first by calling the measures cosmetic and insufficient and now by trying to confuse public opinion by prophesying a sure failure," he said. "Sometimes it seems that their most heartfelt wishes (for Cuba's failure) prevent them from seeing the reality."

He also warned his countrymen that they'll have to work in the new Cuba, and can no longer rely on the state for handouts.

"Many of us Cubans confuse socialism with freebies and subsidies, and equality with egalitarianism," the president said.

Castro also announced that a major Communist Party Congress where many of the reforms are to be enshrined will be held April 16-19, with the end date coinciding with the 50th anniversary of Cuba's victory in the U.S.-backed Bay of Pigs invasion. The government had previously said only that it would be held in April.

Cuba's economy minister, who also spoke to the legislators, said the government expected the economy to grow by 3.1 percent in 2011, up from 2.1 percent this year.

Revolutionary icon Fidel Castro was not present. Normally a ceremonial seat is left empty for the former president, with a glass of water set out in front of it. But the tradition was dispensed with this year.

Raul Castro also used the speech to blast Washington for its policies toward Cuba, saying it has shown itself completely closed to better ties.

"There isn't the slightest willingness on the part of the United States to change the policy against Cuba, not even to eliminate its most irrational aspect," he said. "The U.S. policy on Cuba does not have an ounce of credibility."

Washington has maintained an economic embargo on the communist-run country for 48 years, and effectively bars most U.S. tourists from visiting. Despite hopes by many that President Barack Obama would usher in a new era in Cuban-U.S. relations, little has changed and the countries remain enemies.

Two U.S. diplomatic cables from late 2009 recently released by WikiLeaks indicate Raul Castro was perhaps hoping to change that, requesting through a senior Spanish diplomat that a secret back channel be opened between him and the White House. The overture was rejected, however, and Castro was told that if he wanted to engage he should do so through normal channels.

Cuban officials have expressed exasperation that Washington is not more interested in talking, noting that the government has released many of the island's dissidents and that they are reforming the economy to inject more aspects of the free market.

A State Department spokesman on Thursday said Cuba had not made serious efforts to change the country's political system - dominated since 1959 by Castro and his brother Fidel - or truly reform the economy.
Castros’ ship is making water and it is in a lot of trouble as recognize by Raul. The regime is desperate for dollars and is trying by any means to put an end to the economic crisis. The regime hopes to lure the Obama administration to end the embargo and obtain millions of dollars in credits and keeps its control over the Cuban people. But it looks there isn’t enough time left for the brothers to calm the trouble waters.

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"Washington has maintained an economic embargo on the communist-run country for 48 years”

The Cuba food import agency Alimport, affirmed that since operations began in December 2001 to date, the island has transacted more than $4.4 billion worth of business with the US. Cuba's National Statistics Office placed the United States as Cuba’s fifth business partner at $801 million in 2008. Currently the US is Cuba’s first food supplier and the most generous donor of humanitarian aid for decades.

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"There isn't the slightest willingness on the part of the United States to change the policy against Cuba, not even to eliminate its most irrational aspect," Raul said.

Since President Obama's administration relax restrictions in 2009 on Cuban-Americans, and on religious organizations, school and cultural groups, academics and other professional visiting the island, travel has increased markedly. The administration also cut the budget for busting individuals who violate the travel ban, making it easy for people to go there illegally.

“As many as 400,000 U.S. citizens are expected to visit Cuba by year's end, Nick Miroff reports from Havana for NPR.”

This will make American tourists visiting the island second larger after Canada. US tourist dollars would only serve to tighten the regime's grip on power. So much for the statement “effectively bars most U.S. tourists from visiting.”

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The economist and ex political prisoner Espinosa Chepe, which recently passed away, said: “They don’t get to the root of the problem. The mentality continues to be the same: tight control by the State and the Party.” Without or with reform, with the current regime the country goes anyway in free fall toward the precipice.

Cuba's "bailout", by obtaining US-backed credit lines and loans, will guarantee the continuation of the Castros regime, delaying instead of accelerating a transition to democracy. These credit and loans will not be pay back, as is the case with the external debt of over $70 billion to other countries, and the American taxpayers will be ones to pick up the debt.

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Panic, anger as Cuba plans to lay off 1 of every 10 workers
http://www.mcclatchydc.com/2010/12/19/105530/panic-anger-as-cuba-plans-to-lay.html

By Juan O. Tamayo | Miami Herald
December 19, 2010

MIAMI — Cuba’s draconian plan to lay off 10 percent of its workforce is running into a slew of problems — not the least of which are the growing fights over who will wind up on the street.

Cuban and foreign economists say it’s too much, too fast.

Radical leftists are branding Raúl Castro as a capitalist exploiter of workers and – in an odd alignment with Cuban dissidents – are urging workers to fight the job cuts.

One well-known historian and Communist Party member has warned of social chaos, maybe even a mass exodus, and cautioned that the layoffs may be unconstitutional.

Workers desperately trying to keep their jobs are accusing others of corruption. And some blacks and women are warning that those sectors may be hardest hit by the job cuts.

Almost no one doubts the job cuts are necessary in a country where the government pays the salaries of 85 percent of the workers – many of them in little more than make-work jobs. Castro has admitted the state payrolls are padded with more than one million surplus workers.

In his most significant reforms since he succeeded brother Fidel in 2008, Castro is laying off 500,000 workers by April and is expected to cut another 500,000 to 800,000 in three years.

He’s also cutting back other public spending and subsidies, and allowing an expansion of the private business sector in hopes that at least 250,000 of the newly laid off workers will be able to support themselves.
Some Cubans say they are not overly concerned by the job cuts because Castro has promised that no worker “will be left unprotected.’’ The island will eventually muddle through the crisis, they say.

Progressives should pay attention, this is the way they do it on all Government run states. Socialism doesn't work, capitalism does. What irony that the Castroit dictatorship should be dismantled by the generation of protestors raised by it. Indeed, it would be hilarious if only it weren't so tragic.

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Pre-Castro Business in Cuba
http://havana.biz/Pre-Castro-Cuba-Business.html

A brief history of the Cuban economy before 1959
From the 1965 book Album Azul de Cuba


Development of architecture, increase in construction of buildings, highways, parks, public squares, water-works, communications in general (railroad lines, streetcars, bus lines, postal service, telegraph, telephone and radio, etc.,) all stimulated trade and commerce, harbors, factories and put Cuba well ahead. Sugar, tobacco, cattle, alcohol and derivatives, chemical products, vegetable oil, textile industries, shoe factories — all were great sources of Cuban wealth.

It is true that for some years sugar mills were the main attraction of investors both foreign and native and the sugar industry remained the backbone of our national economy; but it is also undeniable that in the last thirty years the diversity of industries increased and new sources of production opened wider horizons for foreign trade. And this meant improving conditions for labor.

By 1958 there were 160 sugar mills with the predominance of Cuban capital. The yearly sugar crop (zafra) represented an average of 99 days work, producing a total of more than five million five hundred thousand long tons of sugar. The Cuban Sugar Stabilization Board kept active watch on the needs of the sugar industry and took measures of undeniable value. Raw sugar as well as the refined product gave admirable results. And concerning sugar derivatives such as molasses and alcohol the 1937 Law for the Coordination of Sugar was a step forward in social justice and economic welfare. Besides the highest rate of production the Cuban sugar industry had the most efficient equipment and most modern machinery in the world and the most productive era in its history. The United States was the best buyer paying for Cuban sugar as no other country ever did.

Prosperity brought about by sugar, benefitting all Cuba may be judged from the fact that in 1958 more than 90% of the land growing cane was brought into cultivation under tractors and 80% of the cane was transported by rail and truck. Salaries were high and the "sugar differential" favored the sugar worker as never before, and no sugar worker was interested in changing his type of work. Those who, deceived by an anti-patriotic and stupid propaganda, got on the communist band-wagon committed economic suicide and helped drag their own country down along with them to want and destruction. One cannot recall a similar case of collective blindness, nurtured by an unbelievable attraction. And this applies equally to sugar workers, University professors, owners of small businesses and other walks of Cuban life.

One of the most prosperous trades was the cattle industry; at the time the communists took over Havana the city was consuming a ratio of about 1,000 head of cattle a day, and the other provinces had an average annual sacrifice of 600,000. Expert cattle raisers preferred Holsteins because they not only helped improve the quality of the meat but gave a much higher percentage of milk. Cuba came to occupy fourth place in its per capita of cattle bred, following Uruguay, the Argentine and Paraguay.

The derivatives were also varied and rich : cheese, butter, evaporated milk, condensed and powdered milk, fresh milk, preserved beef, sausages, dried and jerked beef, suet, beef fat; leather for saddles, shoes, bags and belts, hairs for paint brushes and raw materials for laboratory opotherapeutic products rivaled the finest anywhere in the world. Porcine breeding also increased as well as allied industries such as fats, hams, bacons and even fresh pork for export.

Barnyard fowls multiplied so notably that in 1958 more than 18 million were consumed, a per capita consumption of more than 6 lbs. Import of egg-laying hens, chickens and eggs reduced enormously and national production became adequate for national demands. Granges increased enormously throughout the country. Fishing was an equally prosperous business, including exports of fresh and canned fish. Derivatives were also a prosperous business including oils, tortoise-shells shark skins, etc.

Cuban tobacco's prestige throughout the world was a mark of superior quality. In 1958 leaf tobacco production reached 81,940,000 pounds, exports producing 58 million dollars, 25 million more than ten years before. Twisted tobacco, — already in 1957 totaled 335,275,000 units.

Cigarettes totaled 624,105,000 packages, greatest ever. In the period 1957 to '58 exports of cigars reached 51 million dollars. The Tobacco Stabilization Board did a great job assuring quality and sales, participating in market operations and stabilizing minimum sales prices. Light tobacco was tested for competition with American planting as it is a type much preferred the U.S. market, particularly women smokers. From which it can be judged tobacco, including marketing cut leaf, had reached a very satisfactory level in Cuba.

Coffee and cocoa planting which had been very prosperous in colonial times declined at the beginning of the Republic although growers aimed at meeting the home market. By 1956 more than a million hundred weights of coffee were produced and about 5 1/2 million pounds of cocoa.

At the International Coffee Conference held in Rio de Janeiro, 1958, Cuba was assigned an export quota of 300,000 sacks of coffee. This was an encouraging increase and stimulated the preparation of washed coffee, far superior and easier to export than the unwashed beans.

Rice was another product doing surprisingly well until the communists snatched Cuba away from freedom. Once Cuba imported much rice but the BANFAIC (Cuban National Bank for Industrial and Agricultural Development) did a great job and through the Stabilization of Rice Board cultivation was stimulated.

By 1958 Cuba was one of the foremost rice growing countries in Latin American with a total of 272,533 acres planted with rice. Corn was another basic food which by 1958 had increased with a total of 416,666 acres producing 3,200,000 hundred-weight of corn and earning ten million dollars. Black beans were so extensively produced that exports were ample, but it is impossible to detail further consumer goods in this brief resume. Nonetheless we do include table of 1957-1958 crop development and increase in cattle to give the reader a full idea of the wealth of the island when the most dastardly deceivers in history took over Cuba, determined to destroy it morally and wipe out material wellbeing — even food!

Here are few items which speak louder than words:

Corn 190,000 metric tons
Shelled rice 200,000 metric tons
Beans 56,000 metric tons
Peanuts 15,000 metric tons
Bananas 6,600,000 bunches
Sugar 5,670,000 metric tons
Pineapples 130,000 metric tons
Tomatoes 110,000 metric tons
Coffee beans 50,000 metric tons
Leaf tobacco 44,000 metric tons
Sisal hemp 8,000 metric tons
Potatoes 125,000 metric tons
Pigs 654,000
Cattle 522,000

Comparing this brief detail of production it makes quite clear progress has been destroyed, its most prosperous and necessary foodstuffs brought to collapse as a result of ignorance, lack of vision or ability of any sort and the negative audacity of adventurers, murderers and thieves who have taken over the island guided by ignorant advisers from Russia and other communist countries whose ignorance of the tropical agro was, no doubt, one of the reasons why they came to despoil it, along with our industry and commerce and the happiness of our country.

In bee-keeping, growing of viands, vegetables, fresh fruits, and basic cattle feeds, including pangola grass the same can be stated as well as concerning Cuban forestry and lumber.

As for mining, iron, copper, manganese, chromium, nickel, zinc, lead, tungsten, gold, silver and even non-metallic minerals such as gypsum, barite, asbestos, antimony and deposits such as petroleum and naptha whose development was just starting.

In many of these Cuba offered no rush of wealth but it had launched well organized, admirably administered and worked centers which augured well for the future. And statistics reveal beyond a doubt that by the eradication of our democratic Republic and with the communist take-over Cuba lost the balance of progressive gains which often surprised foreigners and no doubt awakened the envy of many and the cupidity of the Reds. For Russia knew very well what stupid and treacherous Fidel Castro was up to, what he was giving them, urged on by political ambition and hunger for notoriety, helping himself to other men's hard earned benefits.

Swiss banks now shelter his rapacity, and the games he plays with everything a whole nation developed are crying to heaven for vengeance. Cuba has in Fidel Castro the most extreme example of a monster unsurpassed in the New World and aided and abetted by Russia, another land in producing these abortions of nature; the most recent being Stalin and Khrushchev, just as German produced its Adolf Hitler.

Cuban Monetary Banking System before 1959

One of the most prosperous measures taken by the Republican government was the early establishment of its monetary system and the definite organization of banking. Some experiences thoroughly impressed the country, including the bank crack after World War I. A book entitled "Problems in New Cuba" includes careful study by the Foreign Policy Association with references from the country's best sources of economy, official as well as those in other political parties.

Dr. Leopoldo Cancio Luna, professor of economy at Havana University and Secretary of the Treasury during the government of General Mario G. Menocal created the bank system which became law October 29th 1914, based on the gold standard whose unit was the 1.6718 gram/peso and 1.5046 gold bullion, retaining the right to mint, unspecified limitation where gold coins were concerned, 12 million pesos in silver, and sums to be periodically fixed by the Executive in nickel coins.

It was established that Cuban and United States currency would be sole legal tender and by virtue of accumulated reserves Cuban became firmly on a par with U.S. currency. The circulation of Spanish and French currency was eliminated with details on how to liquidate any sums pending payment in those or any other values.

Important foreign banks operated in Cuba with great success; it was indispensable to organize Cuba's national bank and this was achieved as a result of the 1940 Constitution, establishing a new and reliable institution giving Cuban currency greater strength and opening new credits.

The Cuban National Bank gained great prestige and furthered the creation of other activities such as the Cuban Bank for Agricultural and Industrial Development; the Bank for Economic and Social Development; the Cuban National Financial Bank and the Foreign Commerce Bank, all devoted admirably and efficiently to widening economic and mercantile activities, giving strength to varied enterprises.

Cuba's economic stimulus reached the highest peak of the post-war period in 1957 facilitating further progress and it is remarkable how well the government laid the technical foundation for such important improvements as public works, quick relief of unemployment, considerable increases in agricultural production for internal consumption and the expansion of some branches of industry. This supposed increases in national debt but it is much to be regretted political happenings did not allow the plan to evolve, denying us.

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So Much For Cuban Economic Reform
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052970203418804576039640218425926.html
http://babalublog.com/2011/01/so-much-for-cuban-economic-reform/

The Communist Party affirms that 'central planning and not the market will be supreme.
By José Azel
January 10, 2011

With his characteristic intellectual wit, Cuban writer Carlos Alberto Montaner defines communism as "the time countries waste between capitalism and capitalism." By this account, the Cuban government is now in its 52nd year of wasted time waiting for prosperity.

Much has been made of economic reforms promised by Raúl Castro, including by the Cuban president himself. "We can either rectify the situation," Gen. Castro recently stated, "or we will run out of time walking on the edge of the abyss, and we will sink." But one look at the economic platform for the VI Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba, now scheduled for April 2011, and it's clear nothing much will change.

The "Draft Guidelines for Economic and Social Policy"—a 32-page document that proposes to chart Cuba's economic future—affirms that "the new economic policy will correspond with the principle that only socialism [i.e., Cuban communism] is capable of conquering the difficulties."

The document persistently emphasizes Gen. Castro's militaristic themes of increased efficiency, discipline and control. It insists, for example, on setting prices according to the dictates of central planning. It also insists that any new "nonstate" (private sector) economic activities not be allowed to lead to the "concentration of property" (that is, the accumulation of wealth). There is no interest in introducing the market socialism of a Deng Xiaoping, who famously told China's people in 1984 that "to get rich is glorious."
It is not surprising that Raúl and his fellow generals are more comfortable with the chain of command of a centrally planned economy than with the vicissitudes of a market economy. More baffling is their failure to understand core principles of economic development.

After much debate and with trepidation, the Cuban economic "reformers" have decided to permit the 500,000 to 1,300,000 Cubans being fired from state jobs to solicit permits to become self-employed in certain activities. It is instructive to examine a handful of the 178 trades and professions that are supposed to help rescue the economy.

Trade No. 23 will be the purchase and sale of used books. Trade 29 is an attendant of public bathrooms (presumably for tips); 34 is a palm-tree pruner (apparently other trees will still be pruned by the state). Trade 49 is covering buttons with fabric; 61 is shining shoes; 62 is cleaning spark plugs; 69 is a typist; 110 is the repair of box springs (not to be confused with 116, the repair of mattresses). Trade 124 is umbrella repairs; 125 is refilling of disposable cigarette lighters; 150 is fortune-telling with tarot cards; 156 is being a dandy (technical definition unknown, maybe a male escort?); 158 is peeling natural fruit (separate from 142, selling fruit in kiosks).

This bizarre list of permitted private-sector activities will not drive economic development. But it does reveal the regime's totalitarian mindset. Here Cuban technocrats foreshadow the degree of control they intend to impose by listing the legal activities with specificity. These are not reforms to unleash the market's "invisible hand" but to reaffirm the Castros' clenched fist. One does not have to be an economist to appreciate that the refilling of disposable cigarette lighters, for example, will not contribute in any measure to economic development.

In his economic dream land of surrealist juxtapositions, Raúl believes that improved state management is the way to save the communist system. The desire for control by the military and the Communist Party of every aspect of Cuban life is antithetical to the individual liberty and empowerment necessary to bring about an economic renaissance.

Mr. Azel, a senior scholar at the Institute for Cuban and Cuban-American Studies, University of Miami, is author of "Mañana in Cuba" (Authorhouse, 2010).
The evidences cited as much by Fidel Castro on the failure of “The Cuban model doesn't even work for us anymore,” like by Raul on “we will run out of time walking on the edge of the abyss, and we will sink" to which they have taken it, far outweigh the arguments that could be make to demonstrate that Socialism has no future.

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Disease plagued Cuban citrus crop falls 231 pct
http://cubantriangle.blogspot.com/2011/01/odds-and-ends_12.html

HAVANA, Jan 7 (Reuters) - Cuba's citrus production fell 23.1 percent in 2010 as disease continued to eat away at the once robust crop, the National Statistics Office reported Friday on its website (ONE.CU).

Citrus weighed in 321,600 tonnes, down from 418,000 tonnes in 2009, the Office said.

The decline reflected a 48.3 percent drop in the Valencia orange crop to 135,000 tonnes. But grapefruit registered a 24.3 percent rise to 151,000 tonnes, its first increase since storms, disease and plague first hit the sector a decade ago.

In 2008 citrus output was 391,800 tonnes, down from 469,000 tonnes in 2007 and less than half the 792,700 tonnes produced in 2003.

Local officials blamed aging groves, hurricanes and disease for the decline and have said they are working to replant and spread out orchards.

A now five-year-old attack by what is known as Yellow Dragon disease was believed to be the main reason for the poor performance. The disease, caused by a bacteria known as Huanglongbing, is the most feared in the citrus industry and can be controlled only by cutting down trees.

In the 1980s, Cuba was the world's biggest citrus fruit exporter, producing more than In the 1980s of mainly oranges and grapefruit on 120,000 hectares (296,500 acres) of land. Most of the fruit was destined for the former Soviet Union.

The crop declined, then recovered, reaching 800,000 tonnes in 2001, before beginning to decline once more.

Today, 80 percent of the crop is processed into juice by five plants across the country, 5 percent exported fresh and sold to the tourism industry, and the rest used for domestic consumption, the Agriculture Ministry reported.

Israeli-based investors, operating through the Panama-based BM Group, are heavily involved in the sector.
At the time that Castro took over the government, in 1959, the island economy had approximately 30,000 acres of citrus plantings, which produced about 60,000 metric tons of fruit per year. This output equalled 1.5 million 90-pound boxes. About 3,000 metric tons were exported mainly to the United States. The U. S. market was closed to Cuban citrus exports by 1961 (Nova González, 1994; pp. 1-3; Behr and Albrigo, 1991,p.

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Cuba: Bread running short at bakeries
http://www.globalpost.com/dispatch/cuba/110208/bread-rations-flour-prices-food

Entrepreneurs may be buying up flour on the black market, causing bread shortages.

By Nick Miroff

HAVANA, Cuba — Like air and water, or free health care and education, state-subsidized bread is regarded as a natural right in socialist Cuba. Neighborhood bakeries across the island churn it out in blanched, spongy loaves and two-foot torpedoes so rigid they could practically whack a baseball.

Every Cuban is entitled to at least one bun-sized piece per day as part of the island’s ration system, and bread is such a staple of the Cuban diet that long lines form outside government outlets for those wanting to buy more.
But with tens of thousands of new Cuban entrepreneurs opening up private snack bars, cafeterias and pizza stands as part of President Raul Castro’s economic reforms, the island’s state-run bakeries have been coming up short lately. Suspicions have fallen on the new small businesses, which may be buying up more and more flour on the black market.

At several locations around the capital, Cubans grumbled about diminished bread availability at state stores, though workers said they were still meeting the minimum output required for the ration system.

“We’re making about 60 percent as much as we used to,” said one employee at a government bakery in Havana’s Playa neighborhood, where customers who queued up on a recent morning were turned away. “We don’t have the flour,” he said.
The shortage at the state shops points to an emerging problem with the Castro government’s plan to shed hundreds of thousands of government employees and create a new class of private entrepreneurs. In the absence of a formal wholesale market to supply the upstart businesses, pilfering employees with access to state supplies and stockrooms become the island’s de facto wholesalers.

While global wheat prices have risen sharply lately, workers at several bakeries said they were receiving the same amount of flour, and denied that supplies were being stolen. Instead, they said that the new entrepreneurs were simply buying up more bread, for use in making sandwiches.
“It’s all these new snack bars,” said a clerk at a bakery in the city’s Vedado neighborhood, who, like other state employees asked about the shortages, did not give her name. Attempts to reach the Ministry of Food Production, which oversees the state bakeries, were unsuccessful, as the phones at its main offices went unanswered.

Government planners have said they will set up a supply system for the new small businesses, with $130 million set aside toward the effort this year, including $36 million for foodstuffs. But they caution it could take years to implement. Since most of the wholesale supplies will have to be imported, it is not clear if the government will sell items at or around cost, as most other goods shipped from abroad and sold in hard currency stores at a hefty markup.
With the government pledging to lay off or reassign 500,000 state workers in the coming months, and possibly hundreds of thousands more after that, it is looking to cut costs by shrinking the size of the state and allowing more private sector and non-state activity. Since October, officials have issued some 80,000 new self-employment licenses, of which roughly 30 percent are for food or food-service related activities.

While the new licenses have created a sense of optimism among some enterprising Cubans at a time when other government subsidies are being cut back, the licenses are limited to a list of 178 occupations. The government has yet to authorize others, citing the lack of a wholesale market for raw materials, such as auto-body repairman, upholsterer and welder — jobs that are now widely performed on the black market anyway.

Late last year, as the reforms were being announced, the communist party newspaper Granma urged patience with the creation of the wholesale system, explaining that officials couldn’t set up such a network overnight. “To think that the State is allowing new small businesses without creating a market for their supplies would be irresponsible, especially since solid planning has been one of the basic principles of these updates to our economic model,” the article said.

“But we can’t rest on our laurels, nor expect the materials to appear from one day to the next,” it continued. “The new economic landscape requires us to increase our levels of production, direct our efforts to the most urgent tasks, and better allocate our resources. These small business can’t subtract from what is available for the people — they must do the opposite.”

But until such a wholesale supply system exists, the island’s budding entrepreneurs — food vendors, mechanics, plumbers — will likely do just that, relying on black-market suppliers for their businesses, even though inspectors can confiscate items that aren’t matched to a receipt. And while some government stores sell imported baking flour and other materials in hard currency, under-the-table providers at state bakeries can offer a more reliable and cheaper supply.

Wheat does not grow in Cuba’s tropical climate, so the country’s entire supply is imported, along with about 70 percent of the rest of the Cuba’s food, a cost of more than $2 billion a year.

The Castro government wants to reduce that heavy dependence on imports, granting no-cost leases of state-owned land to Cubans who want to farm. But so far the effort has brought only modest productivity increases.

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Cuba says it spent $9.5M to update coffee industry, but low harvest numbers force it to import
http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/cuba-says-it-spent-95m-to-update-coffee-industry-but-low-harvest-numbers-force-it-to-import/2011/04/07/AFMjzGxC_story.html

By Associated Press, Thursday, April 7, 7:14 PM

HAVANA — Cuba has spent $9.5 million the past five years to modernize coffee production, but meager harvests mean this java-loving nation must still import to cover domestic consumption, the director of the state-run coffee company said Thursday.

The money went toward improving coffee mills, roasters and packaging in an effort to produce the 18,000 tons needed to meet local demand, said Antonio Aleman, director of the company, Cubacafe.

Cuba's annual coffee harvest currently stands at 6,000 tons, and Aleman confirmed the island is buying 12,000 tons of beans to make up the shortfall.
Some of Cuba's beans go to subsidized coffee sold for $0.20 per 115-gram bag under Cubans' ration cards, and some supplies pricier stores that cater to tourists and others with access to the island's convertible currency. Cuba maintains a dual currency system in which one peso is used for subsidized items available to all Cubans and a convertible peso worth $1 is used for imported goods and some services, plus in the tourism industry.

Like rum and cigars, coffee is an iconic product in Cuba. In the early 1960s, annual production reached 60,000 tons and Cuba was a net exporter.
"Cubans are coffee lovers," Aleman said. "Wherever you go, they greet you with a cup of coffee."

In recent years, however, harvests have fallen off dramatically.

Aleman blamed the drop on abandoned farms due to migration to cities, limited resources and lack of investment.

He repeated that authorities plan to begin mixing coffee with peas to make the domestic supply go further. He did not give a date.

Cubans are accustomed to the coffee-pea blend, which was sold here until 2005. In fact, some complained when they started getting pure coffee five years ago that it tasted funny.

President Raul Castro announced in December that the coffee-pea blend would be making a comeback. At the same time, he said Cuba pays $47 million a year on coffee imports.

Aleman said there is a plan to stimulate coffee farming, but did not give specifics.
Cuba coffee beans production in 1958 reached 43,600 MT and was able to export 11,200 MT even with a guerrilla war going on in in the main coffee growing area. In 2010 the coffee production reached only 5,500 MT. The coffee production keep going down, with a huge 87.4% reduction compare to 1958.

The island is an excellent example of how a very successful nation in the western hemisphere was destroyed by Castroism in the 20th century. There are so few positive things to say about communist dictatorships like Cuba, that leftists everywhere have no choice but to point out flaws in other countries to keep some of their self-respect.

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Before 1959, Cuba used to produce some of the finest Arabic Coffee in the world. Nowadays Cubans are allocated through the ration book only 4 ounces of coffee a month per person, and the coffee is mixed with peas to increase the yield, which in turn reduce the quality of the coffee. What an inept regime, it destroys everything it touches. The brothers’ rule is the root of the problem. The best way to solve a problem is to attack the root of it. They should be removed from power.

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As for coffee production, Castro promised in the 1960s that in few years Cuba would export hundreds of thousands of bags to everyone, but what took place was a steady decline of its production and for the last 40 years it has not been enough even to satisfy domestic consumption reason why the aromatic grain is mixed with kidney beans and other imported grains to supply it to the consumers, in small quantities established in a ration book dating from 1962, in order to control the supply of basic foodstuffs to the population.

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“By 1970, Havana will be completely self-sufficient with the coffee we are going to plant this year in Havana Province, some 100 million plants… This coffee will be planted as a secondary crop, that is, it will be planted in the same areas as the fruit trees. That will happen in only two more years.” Castro Speech, January 6, 1967

The Havana belt consisted of a plan that was intended to convert the environs around the capital into a gigantic coffee plantation with the planting of the coffee variety Caturra, which has the capacity to grow under full sun. Fidel did not take into consideration that for the growth of this variety, neither the climatic conditions associated with the height, nor the soils were adequate in Havana’s province. The resounding failure of the coffee plan caused a useless waste of economic resources and great administrative corruption. Forty-three years after that speech, the island lacks not only coffee but everything.

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Another Castro brother’s regime great success story. The import of coffee by the regime is equivalent to the import of sugar, an unthinkable thing to happen 51 years ago. The destruction of the island economy, is not cause by the embargo, is due to the Castro brothers dictatorship, corruption and mismanagement.

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Bacardi Wins Havana Club® Rum Dispute in U.S. Court of Appeals


Court Rejects Allegations of Geographically Misleading Packaging

Court Holds “No Reasonable Consumer Could Be Misled” by Bacardi’s Packaging

Bacardi Continues to Sell HAVANA CLUB Rum in the United States


CORAL GABLES, Fla.--(BUSINESS WIRE)--Bacardi U.S.A., Inc. today applauds the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit for its unanimous decision in favor of Bacardi in connection with its packaging and marketing of HAVANA CLUB rum in the United States. For years, Bacardi U.S.A., Inc. has vigorously defended its position in the wake of ongoing and inaccurate allegations by Pernod Ricard surrounding the sale of HAVANA CLUB rum in the United States.

“Bacardi USA commends the Appellate Court’s decision which reaffirms that Bacardi has accurately portrayed both the geographic origin and the Cuban heritage of our HAVANA CLUB rum. The Bacardi HAVANA CLUB rum is based on the original Cuban recipe from the creators of the brand, which was legally purchased by Bacardi and is now produced in Puerto Rico,” said Robert Furniss-Roe, Regional President, Bacardi North America. “This is yet another Court decision supporting Bacardi’s legitimate right to use the name HAVANA CLUB for Puerto Rican rum with a prominent statement of origin on the packaging.” Specifically, the Appellate Court stated that “no reasonable interpretation of the HAVANA CLUB label as a whole could lead to the conclusion that it is false or misleading.” Accordingly, the Court upheld that there was no need to even consider Pernod’s flawed survey evidence.

To date, Bacardi has won all U.S. court cases relating to Bacardi’s marketing of HAVANA CLUB rum and its legitimate rights to use the HAVANA CLUB trademark and brand.

On April 6, 2010 the Wilmington, Delaware, District Court ruled that the origin of Bacardi’s HAVANA CLUB rum is geographically accurate as the bottle clearly states Puerto Rican Rum and that it is based on the original Cuban recipe as created by the family of Jose Arechabala. The Court also reconfirmed that “the Cuban government expropriated the Arechabalas’ business without compensation.” The appeal of that decision was argued in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit on February 9, 2011.

Today’s ruling affirmed the District Court’s “carefully reasoned” decision, saying “the Court found that the Havana Club brand name reflected the Cuban heritage of the rum’s recipe.” The Appellate Court also stated that the packaging is “factually accurate” and “unambiguous” concerning the geographic origin of HAVANA CLUB rum. The Court added “no reasonable consumer could be misled by those statements and the rest of the label does not put those statements in doubt.”

“Discerning consumers want premium spirits with authenticity and are very savvy when it comes to products they enjoy. They are not easily misled or confused,” added Mr. Furniss-Roe.

Bacardi purchased the rights to the HAVANA CLUB trademark from the creators and original owners, the Arechabala family, who made their rum in Cuba from the 1930s until 1960 and exported it to the United States and other countries until their rum-making facilities and personal assets were seized without compensation during the Cuban revolution.

About HAVANA CLUB rum

HAVANA CLUB rum was re-launched by Bacardi USA in the United States on August 8, 2006, and is based on the original recipe created in Cuba in the 1930’s. Available in Florida in limited quantities, and appealing to astute and adventurous palates, HAVANA CLUB rum is an ultra-smooth, clear, premium spirit, distilled and finely crafted in Puerto Rico following the original recipe given to Bacardi by the Arechabalas. With stunning packaging that combines elegant 1930's details with a contemporary silhouette, the HAVANA CLUB bottle artfully brings together the past and the present. The acid-etched bottle—which clearly states in bold, black lettering that the rum is Puerto Rican rum—is encircled by art-deco fluting and a retro typeface that recalls Havana in its heyday. www.havanaclubus.com

About Bacardi U.S.A., Inc.


Bacardi U.S.A., Inc. is the import, sales, and marketing arm of one of the world’s leading wine and spirits producers. Bacardi USA boasts a brand portfolio of some of the United States’ most recognized and top selling spirits including: BACARDI® rum, the world’s favorite and best-selling premium rum as well as the world’s most awarded rum; GREY GOOSE® vodka, the world-leader in super premium vodka; DEWAR’S® Blended Scotch whisky, the number-one selling blended Scotch whisky in the United States; BOMBAY SAPPHIRE® gin, the top-valued and fastest-growing premium gin in the world; MARTINI® vermouth and sparkling wines, the world-leader in vermouth; CAZADORES® 100% blue agave tequila, the number-one premium tequila in Mexico and a top-selling premium tequila in the United States; and other leading and emerging brands. www.bacardiusa.com
The Bacardi family business began in 1862, when Facundo Bacardi, an immigrant from Spain, opened a small distillery in Santiago, Cuba. In the 19th century, Facundo's son, Emilio, was arrested twice and exiled after becoming involved in Cuba's war of independence from Spain.

In the 1950s, the family's support for Fidel Castro Revolution was a continuation of involvement in Cuban nationalistic movements. Pepin Bosch, the CEO of the company at that time, gave tens of thousands of dollars of his own money to buy weapons for Castro’s guerrilla, and so did other members of the family.

Castro nationalized all of the Bacardi properties a year and a half after taking power, and most of the family went into exiled. The company manages to survive because the family had established companies in other countries.

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Bacardi, builder of a rum dynasty in Cuba, came of age with Cuba as a nation, helping to define the meaning to be Cuban. The company Facundo Bacardi founded eventually brought worldwide fame to the island. During five generation his descendants stick firmly to their Cuban identity. Bacardi siblings, at the time Cuba was becoming an independent nation, stand up against the Spanish government in the island, and during the twenty century against the island dictators. They supported Fidel Castro upraising in the mountains north of Santiago de Cuba. They left Cuba after the regime expropriated their business. But after fifty years Bacardi is still venerated in the island.

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Bacardi has transformed from a national Cuban business into the world’s top family owned rum distilling company. No doubt that Bacardi, in a near future, will be making rum in Cuba again, helping to shape the democratic future of it, like it did in the past.

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Bacardi, and its yeast, await a return to Cuba
http://articles.latimes.com/2011/oct/06/food/la-fo-bacardi-20111006

The company's original rum production facilities in Cuba were seized in 1960, but the company had gotten its most prized property, its unique yeast, out of the country.

October 06, 2011|By W. Blake Gray | Special to the Los Angeles Times
At 6 a.m. on Oct. 14, 1960, Cuban national radio announced that the Communist government was nationalizing sugar mills and rum factories — including the island's most famous business, Bacardi. Cuban marines quickly headed to Bacardi's office in Havana with a one-page official document (riddled with misspellings) that gave them control.

[img]http://www.latimes.com/media/photo/2011-10/65235698.jpg[/img]

However, Fidel Castro and his cabinet made a crucial error, and the repercussions live on in the world of rum today. They went not only to the wrong building but also to the wrong city.

Bacardi's headquarters and production facility were in Santiago, on the other side of the country. The marines responsible for seizing Bacardi had to catch a commercial flight to get there, and by the time they did, Bacardi's most valuable possession was gone from Cuba. It had already left the country, and anything left behind had been killed, completely — not a cell left alive.

[img]http://www.latimes.com/media/photo/2011-10/65211111.jpg[/img]

In the 1940s, the original Bacardi distillery in Cuba was expanded.

[img]http://www.trbimg.com/img-4e8b9a75/turbine/lat-la-fo-bacar_ls95h6pd20111004164633/950/16x9[/img]

Daniel Bacardi had known he wouldn't be able leave Cuba for several more weeks, according to Tom Gjelten's book "Bacardi and the Long Fight for Cuba," and had planned the mass murder — committed by his most loyal staff — ahead of time. But the carnage was bloodless: What they killed was the company's unique strain of yeast.

"The yeast is the biggest asset the company has," said Juan Piñera, a master rum blender for Bacardi.

Piñera speaks in the present tense because the Bacardi yeast strain, born in Cuba almost 150 years ago in the roots of a sugar cane, lives on under heavy security in refrigerators at Bacardi's rum plants in Puerto Rico and Mexico, where Bacardi had the foresight to send it before Castro's takeover.

Bacardi gives tours of its Puerto Rico plant, along with free cocktails, though visitors aren't allowed into the building that holds the master yeast strain. But it is possible, with company permission, to get into the yeast room in the plant in La Galarza, Mexico — if you beg. You have to sign a disclaimer. But if you're a fermentation geek, it's the chance of a lifetime. How many yeast strains built an international company and were snatched from the grasp of Fidel Castro?

First you enter a bare-bones lab that has large beauty photos on the wall of the yeast — round white cells against a purple background, displayed the way others might decorate with shots of movie stars. Laptops hooked up to cameras on microscopes show the yeast's sluggish activity; when not being propagated, it appears to subdivide almost lazily.

Most of the conversation about yeast is here in the lab. But you're this close: You want to enter the inner sanctum. You ask again. And again. And finally, you're in.

Amazingly, the old, noisy GE refrigerator that holds the precious yeast isn't even frost-free. The yeast sits in a round container in a gel with micronutrients, waiting to be propagated. This is a big job: Bacardi makes 20,000 liters of a solution of yeast, molasses and water each time it starts to make a new batch of rum.

One might think that the yeast would mutate and evolve over time — it has been more than 50 years since both Bacardi and its yeast left their homeland. But Bacardi takes its yeast legacy seriously, using gas chromatography to make sure each new batch is identical to the last.

The Bacardis love this yeast; they need it to create the style of rum that made them wealthy. The reason they killed it in Cuba was to make sure the Cuban government couldn't get it. Bacardi's president at the time, Pepin Bosch, believed that eventually Bacardi would be its former government's competitor in the rum business.

That indeed happened, as Castro's government soon began making rum in the old Bacardi facility, with the help of a few of the Bacardis' most senior employees. At first they even called the rum "Bacardi," but the Cuban government lost trademark battles in courts around the world and soon shifted to the name it uses today, Havana Club.

The products aren't actually all that similar — and the unseized yeast is a main reason. Rum is distilled from either sugar cane juice or molasses, a byproduct of sugar production. Because molasses is easy to transport, rum can be produced anywhere, even in places like New England, where sugar cane could never grow.

Rum traveled the world for centuries with sailors who stopped in Caribbean ports of call and was, until the mid-1860s, a famously rough spirit that could only be smoothed by years of aging.

Facundo Bacardi started his family's company in 1862. Within a few years he created a lighter style of rum that proved a smash hit. Charcoal filtering was a big reason, but the Bacardi yeast strain — company records don't show exactly when Facundo isolated it — also played a key role. Its special characteristic is that it works fast.

"When you select a race horse, you select a horse that's fast and strong," Piñera said. "Our yeast was selected in exactly the same way."

Ironically, what was a huge benefit 150 years ago isn't exciting to spirits aficionados today. The Bacardi yeast strain converts sugar to alcohol so quickly that fewer esters and congeners are created — meaning Bacardi Superior actually has fewer flavor compounds than other rums. (It may also have fewer hangover-inducing compounds.)

Bacardi Superior today tastes light and slightly sweet; in order to taste much character in it, you have to use a neutral mixer like soda water. In comparison, a mass-market dark rum will usually have flavors of caramel and toffee, and a modern artisanal rum, particularly an agricole rum made directly from sugar cane juice, will have noticeable vegetal flavors, like celery or asparagus. These are what all rums used to taste like before the Bacardis' yeast breakthrough.

Why would anyone want to produce a rum with less flavor? Because of its light body and mild character, Bacardi quickly became Cuba's, and then the world's, rum of choice for cocktails. Even today, when agricole rums are all the rage in the cocktail community, some cocktail recipes call specifically for Bacardi because it doesn't assert itself over the other ingredients.

"It's an advantage in certain cocktails, absolutely," said Giovanni Martinez, head bartender at Fig & Olive in West Hollywood. "If I'm in a hot climate, humid and tropical, I'm not looking for darker flavors. I'm looking for something bright and light that I can accent with tropical flavors. I want something tart and effervescent and fruity."

Bacardi is still privately owned, and the family, scattered to Florida and elsewhere, is still fiercely loyal to its Cuban identity. During tours, visitors see a slide show in which current chairman Facundo L. Bacardi says, "The day is drawing near when Cuban exiles will be able to return home." If so, some of them will be traveling in a test tube with micronutrients.
[img]http://www.latimes.com/media/photo/2011-10/65211108.jpg[/img]

Bacardi (Bacardi USA / May 6, 2011 )
Boilers at the Bacardi Distillery in Santiago, Cuba, in the 1920s.
No doubt whatsoever they will be back to Cuba and help in the development of a free and democratic nation.
o





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Since the beginning the company served not only its interest but those of the community and the country. Before it was required under the Cuban law, Bacardi provided benefits to its workers like retirement, sick pay, 8 hours workday, housing loans, and profit sharing.

In 1933 the labor union at Bacardi was under the influence of the Communist union leadership. This is what the union said on its statutes about Bacardi: “Although we know the capitalist class is always antagonistic in his relation with the proletariat, we recognize that the Bacardi Rum Company of Santiago de Cuba, making an exception to the rule, has always maintained the most cordial and friendly relations with its employees, to whom it has been most considerate , in spite of theirs being undefended and without protection by virtue of not having a union.” The union recognize the core values of Bacardi.

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Economic Libertad? Cuba’s Baby Steps Toward Liberty
http://www.thenewamerican.com/opinion/ralph-reiland/10255-economic-libertad-cubas-baby-steps-toward-liberty

Written by Ralph R. Reiland
20 December 2011

Millions of economic transactions take place every hour in the United States, too many for any central committee in Washington to handle or even Understand, even if they all graduated with honors from Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government.
For the most part, the economic transactions happen instantaneously, automatically sending market signals that organize production according to size and color, spontaneously determining losses, profits, wages and prices.

And so, if we want organic pomegranate granola with cherries, it’ll be there, right on time for breakfast every day on the capitalist shelves. It’s the same with red Corvettes or caramel ice cream with cinnamon bun dough and a streusel swirl.

It takes a little longer to get it right once the central controllers take charge of deciding things.

Starting on October 1, 2011, some 52 years after Fidel Castro shot his way to power in Cuba, it finally became legal for some poor guy in Cuba to sell the 1965 Russian-made Moskvich piece of junk he’s had sitting up on blocks in his front yard for the better part of half a century.

Previously on this island of alleged power to the people, Cubans were permitted only to sell their own automobiles if they were manufactured before the 1959 revolution.

By some strange twist of collectivist logic, re-selling any car that was produced in the post-revolution period was viewed as an act of capitalist sabotage, a crass act of individualism and greed.
As a result, it paid to keep a legally-transferable ‘57 Chevy on the road, even if it was held together with coat hangers and duct tape. That’s why the streets of Havana look like those shopping center parking lots in the U.S. on Sunday afternoons in the summer when the vintage car guys get together in their shined up ’59 Impalas and ’56 T-Birds to sit on lawn chairs, drink beer and listen to Chubby Checker.

But now things will be different in Cuba, more like a free market, according to President Raul Castro’s speech to the National Assembly in December 2010, pushing his effort to cut bloated government payrolls and encourage private sector initiatives in Cuba’s failed economy. “The state has no business getting involved in a matter between two individuals,” he proclaimed, sounding more like Ron Paul than brother Fidel.

The new decree from the Cuban government allows someone to sell his own car from all years of production, even post-revolution models, and also permits, with a progressive tax penalty, the ownership of more than one car per person.

The Cuban government, additionally, wants 8 percent of the price of each car sold, with buyers and sellers each to pay a 4 percent tax. Try to cheat on that and you’ve got to worry about some neighbor on the Committee for the Defense of the Revolution getting a few extra pesos in his government paycheck for squealing.

New cars can be only sold in state-owned monopolistic dealerships. The state-established price on a new Hyundai runs around $30,000, not counting the bribes that may be required to get the right color and a half-speedy delivery.

The average income in Cuba is $20 a month, so a $30,000 Hyundai is equal to the total income for 125 years of the typical Cuban worker. If the worker could manage to save 10% of his pay every month, he’ll have the $30,000 in 1,250 years.

Under the new rules, any buyers of a new car will be required to prove they made the money for the purchase in a government-approved occupation.

That might not be so easy. Under various government dictates, for instance, hundreds of occupations were disapproved for Cuban women, including the jobs of grave digger, house painter (unless the house was extra short) and deep sea diver.

It was legal under the government rules to open a restaurant, but anything bigger than 12 chairs for customers was prohibited, no matter how much the neighborhood liked the food.

Employees in a restaurant were also illegal — too hierarchical for the collectivist mindset — so someone seeking to be a restaurateur had to be like one of those multi-armed Hindu deities, able to simultaneously seat customers, clean tables, cook the food, serve drinks, pay the bills, play the bongos, and wash the dishes.

Ralph R. Reiland is an associate professor of economics and the B. Kenneth Simon professor of free enterprise at Robert Morris University in Pittsburgh.

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Venezuelan Assistance to Cuba
http://ctp.iccas.miami.edu/FOCUS_Web/Issue155.htm

Vanessa Lopez*

Cuba entered into the Special Period, infamous for significant food shortages and constant blackouts, in 1991 with the disintegration of the Soviet Union and consequent lack of Soviet subsidies. Saving Cuba as its new benefactor was Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez, who has sacrificed his country’s needs to financially support a bankrupt Cuba. Chavez has supported the Castro brothers for various reasons, most notably: 1) Chavez is indebted to Fidel Castro for helping him after the 2002 anti-Chavez coup attempt; 2) Chavez shares with the Cuban revolution an ideological hatred for the United States; and 3) Cuba’s security apparatus has been invaluable to Chavez by helping him solidify his position of power and offering him personal protection.

The gross amount of financial assistance flowing from Venezuela to Cuba has been difficult to fully quantify as a result of the secrecy surrounding the affairs of both countries, but looking at a number of indicators, one can estimate that Venezuela’s largesse approaches roughly $10 billion a year for Cuba over the past few years. Without this financial support, the poor state of Cuba’s economy would likely rival the levels of distress experienced during the mid-1990s.

Venezuela sends Cuba approximately 115,000 barrels of petroleum a day – a figure worth about $3.5 billion per year. (1) It has been reported that this is provided at a 40% discount, and Cuba pays the rest through a subsidized loan provided by Venezuela. It is also estimated that Cuba’s medical personnel operating in Venezuela through the Barrio Adentro program earn Cuba roughly $5.86 billion a year. (2) Between both these sources of aid, Venezuela contributes roughly $9.3 billion to Cuba’s economy, yearly.

Venezuela’s generosity does not end there. A recent Bandes (Venezuela’s Bank of Economic and Social Development) report, obtained by El Nuevo Herald and provided to ICCAS, documents even more financial assistance to Cuba from January 2007 through May 2010. This report indicates that Venezuela provided 100 Cuban companies (involved in Venezuela’s “twin enterprises” program) with nearly $1 billion worth of solidarity credits. Additionally, $47 million worth of financing was provided for a telecommunications project between the countries. A line of credit worth at least $100 million was approved for Cuba’s railway sector and a $45.5 million credit line was opened for the expansion of two Cuban airports. This report does not include the $500 million Venezuelan investment in the Cienfuegos oil refinery and it is unclear if it includes the $70+ million investment in a Venezuelan-Cuban fiber optic cable. Given the trajectory of the relationship between both countries, other such investment projects are likely in the future.

Venezuela also approved a loan – which Cuba is refusing to pay – worth $150 million to help Cuba recover from hurricanes Ike and Gustav. This loan was made pursuant to Hugo Chavez’s instruction in October of 2008, and in July of 2009, Cuba indicated that it was told the loan was a grant and would not be making payments on the $150 million.

Ultimately, between January 2007 and May 2010, Bandes approved $1.5 billion worth of aid. The report indicates that 83% of these funds went directly to Cuba (excluding projects that benefit the Caribbean in general), providing Cuba with at least $1.25 billion over the 3 year period. This is in addition to the regularized assistance of oil provided by Venezuela and the monetary payments made for Cuba’s medical personnel stationed in Venezuela.

Totaling the regularized assistance and the assistance provided through Bandes, between 2007 and 2010, Venezuela subsidized Cuba with a sum just shy of $10 billion per year – an astonishing figure considering Venezuela’s own domestic problems. General Raul Castro, cognizant of Cuba’s increasing dependence on Venezuela, is fostering relationships with other ideologically sympathetic world leaders, hoping for other sources of support should Venezuela no longer be willing to so generously support Cuba’s ailing economy.

Notes:
(1) “If Hugo Goes.” The Economist. 7 July 2011. http://www.economist.com/node/18928494

(2) Delgado, Antonio Maria. “Chávez paga a Castro más de $200,000 por medico al año.” El Nuevo Herald. 6 Aug 2011.

*Vanessa Lopez is a Research Associate at the Institute for Cuban and Cuban-American Studies, University of Miami.
The Castroit regime would not exists today as we know it but for the subsidies provided by the Soviet Union and Venezuela. The Soviet Union subsidies from 1961 until 1991, at the tune of five billion a year, and Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez, at the tune of 25 billion from 2000 to 2013. The regime exists on live support. The Castros’ tyrannical regime is literally and figuratively, crumbling before our very eyes.

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Cuba food prices up 20% in 2011
http://www.miamiherald.com/2012/01/31/2618006/cuba-food-prices-up-20-in-2011.html

Government report shows agricultural reforms not increasing production or dropping prices

By Juan O. Tamayo
[email protected]

Food prices in Cuba shot up by nearly 20 percent last year as the cash-strapped government cut subsidies and imports and agricultural reforms failed to crank up domestic production, according to a new government report.

The report by the National Statistics Office reflects Cubans’ long-running complaints that while some food items have been appearing with more frequency in stores, the prices have been so high that few can afford them.

Cuban leader Raúl Castro, trying to reform the stagnant Soviet-style economy, has put heavy emphasis on the need to increase agricultural production by leasing fallow state lands to private farmers and allowing them more freedom to grow and sell their products.

But the report, titled Sales on the Farm Market, showed that produce prices soared by 24.1 percent during 2011 and meat prices rose by 8.7 percent for an average increase of 19.8, Reuters news agency reported.

Reuters added that although the reforms could increase agricultural production down the road, output increased just 2 percent last year and fell 2.5 percent in 2010. Overall agricultural production in 2011 remained below the levels of 2005.

Dissident Havana economist Martha Beatriz Roque said the government figures reflect “stagflation” — stagnant productivity coupled with inflation — and the failures of Castro’s efforts at agricultural reforms since he replaced brother Fidel Castro in 2006.
Midway through last year, the newspaper Juventud Rebelde reported that overall food prices had risen by 7.8 per cent, compared to the first six months of 2010, while food sales had dropped by 6 percent in the same period.

Castro has been pushing hard to increase domestic food production so that he can slash state spending on food subsidies and imports in an island that in 2010 paid $1.5 billion to import an estimated 60 to 80 percent of the products it consumed.

Imports from U.S. farmers, for instance, dropped from $710 million in 2008 to $366 million in 2010. And several items were removed from the ration card, which once provided basic goods at highly subsidized prices. Now those items are available only at much higher prices usually set by the laws of supply and demand.

Castro also leased 3.4 million acres of fallow state lands to 170,000 private farmers, who produce much more efficiently than state-owned farms. Farmers now can sell directly to consumers and tourist centers, getting better prices.

Yet nearly 2 million acres remain fallow and farmers have complained regularly about the state’s failure to deliver promised supplies such as gasoline and fertilizers as well as difficulties in transporting their products to market and getting paid on a timely basis.

Roque said she was not surprised by the official figures because Cubans felt the increases throughout 2011. A pound of pork that cost 30 pesos in the summer, and perhaps 35 pesos during the end-of-year holidays, now costs about 45 pesos, she said.

Officially, the average wage in Cuba stands at about 475 pesos per month — roughly $20 — although many of the island’s 11.2 million people receive cash remittances from abroad, and many have under-the-table businesses that give them unrecorded incomes.

Roque and former political prisoner Arnaldo Ramos Lauzurique issued a detailed report on the ration card last month, saying food provided by the ration card lasts about 13 to 14 days for the average family. After that, the family must spend the last of its income buying food on the open markets that will last only another seven or eight days.

“By the 30th or 31st day of the month these people have spent several days without anything to eat,” Roque told El Nuevo Herald by phone from Havana.
What does the Regime do with any amount of efficiency, except oppress people that have the ability to produce? How much longer before the Castro's are expelled by forces from within?

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The main issue here is the inability of the Soviet styled centrally planned economy to increase food production. Cuba has one of the best producing land in the world, there is no excuse for this 50 plus years issue.

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Bacardi at a glance: Company’s 150-year highlights
http://www.miamiherald.com/2012/01/30/2612854/bacardi-at-a-glance-comp anys-150.html

January, 30, 2012

1862: Bacardi is founded by Don Facundo Bacardí Massó in Santiago de Cuba.

1898: In Daiquirí, Cuba, American mining engineer Jennings S. Cox originates the Daiquirí cocktail made with Bacardi rum.

1900: The world’s first Cuba Libre is created when Bacardi rum and Coca-Cola are mixed with lime to celebrate the end of the Spanish-American War in Cuba.

1919: Prohibition becomes law in the United States and Americans flock to Cuba to drink Bacardi rum.

1930: The iconic Edificio Bacardi opens in Havana and celebrities frequent its Art Deco bar.

1930s: Bacardi establishes facilities in Mexico and Puerto Rico. The facility at Cataño, Puerto Rico is the largest premium rum distillery in the world.

1944: Bacardi establishes an imports company in New York City to supply the United States market.

1960: Bacardi operations in Cuba are illegally confiscated without compensation by the Cuban government. Bacardi continues its operations from four other countries: the U.S., Mexico, Puerto Rico and the Bahamas.

1964: Bacardi moves its U.S. headquarters from New York to Miami, opening the landmark Bacardi Building on Biscayne Boulevard. Bacardi U.S.A. calls it home until November 2009.
1965: Bacardi opens a distillery in Nassau, Bahamas. Bacardi International Limited relocates from the Bahamas to Bermuda.

1978: Bacardi rum becomes the No. 1 premium distilled spirits brand in the U.S. with more than 7 million, 9-liter cases sold.

1992: Bacardi Limited is formed, unifying five separate strategic operating units of the Company (Bacardi International Limited – Bermuda; Bacardi & Company Limited – Bahamas; Bacardi Corporation – Puerto Rico; Bacardi Imports, Inc. – United States; and Bacardi y Compañía S.A. de C.V. – Mexico).

1993: Bacardi finalizes the acquisition of General Beverage, owner of the Martini & Rossi Group. With this acquisition, Bacardi doubles in size and becomes one of the top five largest premium spirits companies in the world.

1995: Bacardi launches Bacardi Limón in the U.S.

1998: Bacardi acquires Dewar’s Scotch whisky and the Bombay and Bombay Sapphire gin brands. Bacardi becomes one of the top four spirits companies in the world.

2002: Bacardi forms an alliance with Anheuser-Busch to develop, market and distribute Bacardi Silver, a clear malt beverage in the U.S.

2002: Bacardi acquires Cazadores 100 percent blue agave tequila, a top-selling premium tequila.

2002: Bacardi opens a facility in China.

2002: The Casa Bacardi Visitor Center opens at the Bacardi distillery in Puerto Rico, a tourist experience celebrating the history of the company and the brand.

2004: Bacardi purchases Grey Goose vodka, the world’s No. 1 super premium vodka.

2005: Facundo L. Bacardi, great-great grandson of the company’s founder, becomes chairman of the board of directors of Bacardi Limited.

2008: Bacardi announces an agreement to purchase a significant stake in the parent company of Patrón tequila.

2012: On Feb. 4, the company and Bacardi rum celebrates their 150th anniversary.

2012: Bacardi is launching several new products including Grey Goose Cherry Noir vodka and Bacardi rum’s, Black Razz and Wolf Berry.

http://ufdcimages.uflib.ufl.edu/UM/00/00/00/02/00001/3590004240001001. jpg
Bacardi factory aerial view, Santiago de Cuba
University of Miami digital collection

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Bacardi Wins the Battle for Havana
http://www.refinedvices.com/bacardi-wins-the-battle-for-havana
Written by wine-searcher
May 20, 2012

U.S. courts allow Puerto Rican rum to be sold under Havana Club brand.

Rum producer Bacardi has won its battle to sell "Cuban" rum made in Puerto Rico in the United States.

On Monday (May 14) the Supreme Court refused to hear arguments from rival drinks company Pernod Ricard, concerning a bitter trademark war.

The court's decision to turn back an appeal means that Bacardi can continue selling its popular Havana Club brand of rum in the United States, while Pernod – which controls the original Cuba-made Havana Club – left the court empty-handed.

The two spirits behemoths have been battling over the Havana Club rum brand since the 1990s, when Bacardi launched its Puerto Rico-made version to sell in the United States, taking advantage of Washington's embargo on Cuban imports.

French-owned Pernod, which sells its Cuba-made Havana Club elsewhere around the world in a joint venture with the Cuban government, had fought to retain the original United States rights to the name – in the hope that Washington would eventually make peace with Havana and remove the embargo.

The dispute is ultimately rooted in the Cuban communist revolution that sparked the embargo. After Fidel Castro took power in Havana in 1959, the new Cuban government seized control of the distillery founded and owned by the Arechabala family. Eventually, it gave Pernod the rights to the Havana Club brand name in a joint venture. But at the same time, the Arechabala family, who had fled the country after the revolution, sold their claim to Bacardi.

After the Supreme Court ruling on Monday, Pernod said its joint venture still retained rights over the Havana Club brand in its 120 markets worldwide. But it added that it had already registered a new brand name for the United States market – Havanista – ready for the day that the import ban is lifted and the company is able to sell a true Cuba-made rum in America.

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Cuban bank deposits abroad plummet from $5.65 to $2.8 billion
http://www.miamiherald.com/2012/07/31/2921789/cuban-bank-deposits-abroad-plummet.html

A new report shows that Cuba’s bank deposits have fallen from $5.65 billion at the end of September 2011 to $2.8 billion at the end of March.

By JUAN O. TAMAYO
[email protected]

Cuban bank assets deposited in an international group of financial institutions showed a second stunning plunge in a row, with the total nose diving from $5.65 billion on Sept. 30 to $2.8 billion at the end of March.

“Two consecutive quarters of massive bank withdrawals signal a drastic policy change in Cuba that is not the result of temporary factors,” wrote Luis F. Luis, a former chief economist at the Organization of American States who has been monitoring the deposits.

The Bank of International Settlements (BIS) regularly reports banking statistics, such as deposits by Cuban banks, from 43 major Western and emerging economies and offshore financial centers around the world.

Countries, such as Cuba, usually keep deposits in BIS member banks and other financial institutions to pay for or guarantee the purchases of goods abroad.

A BIS report on June 4 showed Cuban bank deposits in BIS member institutions had plunged from $5.65 billion on Sept. 30 to $4.1 billion on Dec. 31. The latest BIS report showed they dropped to $2.86 billion at the end of March.

“What appears to be going on is a major portfolio reallocation of Cuban international reserves and assets away from Western financial centers and possibly into banks in countries such as Venezuela and China which do not report to the BIS,” Luis wrote.

One reason for the shift may be Havana’s concern over the stability of banks in Spain, France, Germany and The Netherlands that held much of Cuba’s assets, he noted. But there might be another reason because the European Central Bank will have to support those banks in a crisis.

“A more powerful reason may be concerns regarding the legal vulnerability of having financial assets in Western banks which may be subject to forfeiture by the courts,” Luis added in a report emailed Monday to El Nuevo Herald and others.

Several Cuban exiles have won multi-million dollar judgments against Havana in U.S. courts and are now trying to collect the money. The largest was the $2.8 billion awarded last year by a Miami-Dade judge to CIA and Bay of Pigs veteran Gustavo Villoldo.
Luis noted that it makes sense for Cuba, whose main trade partners are Venezuela and China, to shift some deposits to banks in those countries “but not the kind of massive displacement that is apparently taking place.”

Cuban officials also may have drawn down the country’s deposits to settle outstanding debts, Luis speculated after the BIS report on June 4, or turned them into gold in hopes of protecting themselves from global economic swings.
What happened to the billions and billions dollars of Soviet subsidy? What's happening now to the Venezuela oil that never reaches Cuba and is sold in the spot market? Where does that money go?

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Cuba still searching for economic model that works
http://www.miamiherald.com/2012/08/02/2928266/cuba-still-searching-for-economic.html#storylink=cpy

At annual conference on Cuba’s economy, experts discuss current state of reforms, future prospects and look for similarities in other countries. One possibility: Vietnam.

By Juan O. Tamayo And Mimi Whitefield
[email protected]
Posted August 2, 2012

Cuba faces a difficult economic situation despite Raúl Castro’s reforms, and a military-led economic transition appears more likely than a Vietnamese or Chinese model of change, Cuba analysts said Thursday.

“The reforms haven’t provided results. There are too many limitations … there’s an enormous stagnation in society,” said dissident Havana economist Oscar Espinosa Chepe in a speech recorded for the opening session of the annual meeting of the Association for the Study of the Cuban Economy.

Some 100 economists, social scientists, and other Cuba experts gathered at The Hilton Miami Downtown hotel to present their work on the policy challenges facing Cuba. This year’s topic: Where is Cuba going?

Cuba’s situation is “very delicate and difficult,” Chepe said. Among the problems he cited in Cuba’s plan to move massive numbers of state employees into self-employment is the lack of materials they need to run their businesses and the competition this creates with the rest of the population trying to make purchases for daily living.

Joaquin Pujol, a retired International Monetary Fund economist, said that very few of the people who have joined the ranks of the self-employed were really working for the government before. Most, he said, were unemployed, already working for themselves under the table, were retired or are students.

Vegard Bye, a Cuba expert at the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, said Vietnam more than China is a model for the Castro government as it pushes toward a more market-oriented economy, although Cuba is unique in many ways.

“Cuba is different from everybody,” he said, adding that it will be difficult for island leaders to copy anyone else’s economic model during a transition.

Cuba, for example, hasn’t done as well as China or Vietnam in recruiting new generations of leaders and managers, Bye said, and as it reforms the economy, it is less likely to be able to maintain political controls as easily as Vietnam has done.

Bye noted that the thrust of Castro’s recent visit to China, Vietnam and Russia seems to be an effort to figure out how a market economy can be implemented and institutionalized without losing political control.

He said that the Cuban military and former military officers who have had vast experience in managing a large majority of the island’s state-owned enterprises are likely to have a strong voice in the island’s economic future.

Cuba, Bye said, essentially faces two scenarios: a Vietnam-like shift toward a more market-oriented economy with space for small- and medium-sized private businesses but with the government clearly in political control or the perhaps more likely “authoritarian militarized transition” in which military technocrats take control through cronyism and corruption.
“I hope for No. 1, but the tendency is very much toward the second one,” Bye noted.

He pointed out that in the economic transitions in Russia and Eastern Europe, three-quarters of the current economic leaders were previous party leaders during the Communist regime. In Russia particularly, he said, the old party chiefs became the owners of formerly public property, while in the other countries the trend has been for them to form the new managerial class.

At annual conference on Cuba’s economy, experts discuss current state of reforms, future prospects and look for similarities in other countries. One possibility: Vietnam.
“Cuba is different from everybody,” he said, adding that it will be difficult for island leaders to copy anyone else’s economic model during a transition.

Cuba, for example, hasn’t done as well as China or Vietnam in recruiting new generations of leaders and managers, Bye said, and as it reforms the economy, it is less likely to be able to maintain political controls as easily as Vietnam has done.

Bye noted that the thrust of Castro’s recent visit to China, Vietnam and Russia seems to be an effort to figure out how a market economy can be implemented and institutionalized without losing political control.

He said that the Cuban military and former military officers who have had vast experience in managing a large majority of the island’s state-owned enterprises are likely to have a strong voice in the island’s economic future.

Cuba, Bye said, essentially faces two scenarios: a Vietnam-like shift toward a more market-oriented economy with space for small- and medium-sized private businesses but with the government clearly in political control or the perhaps more likely “authoritarian militarized transition” in which military technocrats take control through cronyism and corruption.

“I hope for No. 1, but the tendency is very much toward the second one,” Bye noted.
He pointed out that in the economic transitions in Russia and Eastern Europe, three-quarters of the current economic leaders were previous party leaders during the Communist regime. In Russia particularly, he said, the old party chiefs became the owners of formerly public property, while in the other countries the trend has been for them to form the new managerial class.
In Cuba there is a “strong tradition for small-scale capitalism,” said Pujol. But he said, “There is no way the Cuban economy can recover without strong foreign investment.”

Several analysts said they thought Cuban membership in international financial institutions could aid in its transition.

“Cuba needs foreign direct investment” and membership in international financial institutions “is vital for Cuba eventually,” said Richard Feinberg, a professor of international political economy at the University of California, San Diego. Feinberg has laid out a strategy for Cuba’s reconnection with international financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.

“Membership [in the IMF] does not require you be a liberal democracy,” he said. “A lot of strange governments and rogue governments are in the IMF and the World Bank.”

But one big problem is that a country must express a desire to join the IMF, and at this point Cuba, which left the fund in 1964, hasn’t shown interest in applying, said Lorenzo Perez, who retired from the IMF after a 30-year career. Cuba would also need a sponsor. Countries such as Brazil and China that are friendly with Cuba might be willing to fulfill the role, he said, although at this point they might have to bring Cuba “kicking and screaming into the IMF.”

While IMF membership wouldn’t immediately promote democracy in Cuba, Perez said it could promote political reform in the longer term by forcing Cuba to adopt a more rational economy policy and by encouraging policy transparency and government accountability.
Vietnam is thriving because after sacrificing hundreds of thousands of their people to death, they realized that capitalism is the only system that works. And the Chinese discovered the same.

The point is, capitalism is the answer to increased prosperity for all. Simply look at North and South Korea, and see the hellhole which is now North Korea. It would be laughable if it wasn't so sad.

Why is the Castroit regime trying to find a new "economic model," when a successful one already exists? Lenin has long ago been proven to be totally wrong.

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The Castroit regime has failed, even high rankings communists like Armando Hart and Anibal Escalante have confirmed it. The incompetence of the regime destroyed the island economy. It destroyed a prosperous and self sufficient nation.

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The Castroit regime has failed, even high rankings communists like Armando Hart and Anibal Escalante have confirmed it. The incompetence of the regime destroyed the island economy. It destroyed a prosperous and self sufficient nation.

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Cuba’s fatal conceit on economic reforms
http://www.miamiherald.com/2012/12/16/3142645/cubas-fatal-conceit-on-economic.html

BY JOSE AZEL
[email protected]

In late 2010, the Cuban government first detailed its plan to revitalize the moribund Cuban economy. Two key components of this plan were the massive firing of over one million state employees (in a workforce of five million) and to allow some private sector self-employment to absorb the newly unemployed.

The enlightened nomenclature decreed that the firings were to take place in short order and the newly permitted activities would be limited to a bizarre amalgamation of precisely 178 occupations from baby sitting to washing clothes to shoe shinning, to repairing umbrellas.

Not surprisingly, two years later, the process is mired in a web of internal debates and emerging rules and regulations. The failure in implementing economic reforms is rooted in the pathology of thought of the Country’s ruling elite. It is this pathology of thought that economist and political philosopher Friedrich A. Hayek described in his influential work The Fatal Conceit: The Errors of Socialism. As Hayek explained, central plans fail with unforeseen and unintended consequences because all variables are not known or even knowable to the central planners.

The dismissal of the state employees has been essentially halted and is now supposed to take place over a period of five years. Kafkaesque efficiency committees will determine the “ideal” number of employees for each function and then other committees will decide who is to be dismissed.

The process regarding activities “outside the government sector” — The Cuban government cannot bring itself to say “private sector” — is just as revealing. With significant fanfare, Granma recently announced that the number of permitted “outside the government sector” activities would be increased from 178 to 181. The three new tolerable activities are “granitero” (as in doing tile work); party planners for weddings and quinces (sweet sixteen-like parties), and insurance agents.

Cuba’s Vice Minister of Finance and Prices, (yes, there is a ministry in charge of prices) also announced that the activity of granitero would have to be approved by the work directives and by the office of the City Historian. The bureaucrats further decreed that the three new allowed activities will be taxed at markedly different fixed monthly fees as follows: Graniteros 150 CUPs (Cuban pesos), Party Planners 300 CUPs, and Insurance Agents 20 CUPs. The unexplained central planning logic of these taxation decrees is left for the reader to decipher.

Notwithstanding this stifling regulatory environment, Cubans are seeking work independent from the State. A recent survey conducted by Freedom House finds that although “some Cubans are discouraged by the uncertainties associated with self-employment . . . more Cubans say that it is better to be self-employed than to work for the government.”
In allowing some entrepreneurship, the Cuban government sought to create new employment for the fired government employees. Things, however, are not going as planned by the mandarins. For example, 73 percent of the 69,000 women now self-employed were not previously in the government’s payroll. Additionally, many of the cuentapropistas are engaged in subsistence self-employment which does not generate significant additional employment.

Another unfortunate consequence of Cuba’s central planning arrogance is an exacerbation of racial tensions. Reflecting the racial composition of the Cuban Diaspora, the vast majority of Cubans receiving remittances from abroad and able to become self-employed are white. Access to dollars is essential for self-employment. Paradoxically, the new entrepreneurs must sell their goods and services in the national currency, but must purchase supplies from government stores in Cubas’s convertible currency. Afro-Cubans, without access to remittances from family members abroad, are left behind as income inequality increases.

It is quite a conceit to believe, as central planners do, that one individual, or one ministry, or one central committee can gather and understand all available information to design an efficient economic system.

The tragedy of communism is both its mistaken view of how an economy works and its glorified view of its own rational capabilities. The Cuban government’s hubris on riding the intellectually dead horse of central planning showcases its Fatal Conceit.

José Azel is a senior scholar at the Institute for Cuban and Cuban-American Studies, University of Miami and the author of the book, Mañana in Cuba.
The Castroit regime continuous the central planning of the economy, a proven inefficient method of the economic system. The bureaucratic inefficiency of central planning has played a major role in the decline of the Cuban economy.

One of the few things the regime makes with a certain degree of efficiency is the taxation and excessive regulation of the small private sector. That is why the agricultural private sector has not been able to improve the food output.

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The regime does not allow private activity of people with professional degrees. The economic reforms are not working. Why is the Castroit regime trying to find a new "economic model," when a successful one already exists?

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2013 Index of Economic Freedom
http://www.heritage.org/index/country/cuba

Cuba

Cuba’s economic freedom score is 28.5, making its economy one of the world’s least free. Its overall score is 0.2 point higher than last year, with a notable decline in monetary freedom counterbalanced by gains in freedom from corruption and fiscal freedom. Cuba is ranked least free of 29 countries in the South and Central America/Caribbean region, and its overall score is significantly lower than the regional average.

Cuba scores far below world averages in most areas of economic freedom, and its economy remains one of the world’s most repressed. The foundations of economic freedom are particularly weak in the absence of an independent and fair judiciary. No courts are free of political interference, and pervasive corruption affects many aspects of economic activity.

As the largest source of employment, the public sector accounts for more than 80 percent of all jobs. A watered-down reform package endorsed by the Cuban Communist Party in April 2011 promised to trim the number of state workers and allow restricted self-employment in the non-public sector, but many details of the reform are obscure and little progress has been observed. The private sector is severely constrained by heavy regulations and tight state controls. Open-market policies are not in place to spur growth in trade and investment, and the lack of competition stifles productivity growth.

Quick Facts

Population: 11.2 million

GDP (PPP): $120.3 billion; 2.7% growth; $10,704 per capita

Unemployment:

Inflation (CPI): 4.7% ; FDI Inflow: $110.0 million

BACKGROUND

A one-party Communist state, Cuba depends on external assistance (chiefly oil provided by Venezuela’s Hugo Chávez and remittances from Cuban émigrés) and a captive labor force to survive. Property rights are severely restricted. Fidel Castro’s 81-year-old younger brother Raul continues to guide both the government and the Cuban Communist Party. Cuba’s socialist command economy is in perennial crisis. The average worker earns less than $25 a month, agriculture is in shambles, mining is depressed, and tourism revenue has proven volatile. But economic policy is resolutely Communist, and the regime rejects any moves toward genuine political or economic freedom.

RULE OF LAW

Property Rights10.0

Freedom From Corruption42.0

The government adheres to socialist principles in organizing the state-controlled economy, and most means of production are owned by the state. Citizens may own land and productive capital for farming and self-employment. The constitution explicitly subordinates the courts to the National Assembly of People’s Power and the Council of State. Corruption remains pervasive, undermining equity and respect for the rule of law.

LIMITED GOVERNMENT

Government Spending0.0

Fiscal Freedom62.7

Cuba’s top income tax rate is 50 percent. The top corporate tax rate is 30 percent (35 percent for companies with entirely foreign capital). Other taxes include a tax on property transfers and a sales tax. Overall tax revenue is estimated to be equivalent to about 20 percent of GDP. Taxation is erratic and not effectively administered. Inefficient public-sector spending remains high at over 70 percent of total domestic output.

REGULATORY EFFICINCY

Business Freedom10.0

Labor Freedom20.0

Monetary Freedom67.4

Regulatory efficiency remains poor, and private entrepreneurship is limited. The application of regulations is inconsistent and non-transparent. State control of the labor market has spurred creation of a large informal sector. In an attempt to reduce labor market rigidity, the government has implemented a measure to allow workers to hold more than one job. Monetary stability is vulnerable to state interference, with prices subject to controls.

OPEN MARKETS

Trade Freedom62.7

Investment Freedom0.0

Financial Freedom10.0

The trade regime remains largely non-transparent, and imports and exports are dominated by the state. Foreign investment must be approved by the government, which exercises extensive control of economic activity. The financial sector remains heavily regulated, and access to credit for entrepreneurial activity is seriously impeded by the shallowness of the financial market. The state maintains strict capital and exchange controls.
The 2013 Index of Economic Freedom by the Heritage Foundation has ranked the Cuban regime number 176 out of 177 countries in the index. The only country with a higher ranking is North Korea. Trade with the Cuban regime, second to last with the most limited economy in the ranking, is not free trade by any standards.

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The island is a captive nation. The prisoners can trade with the guards but only receive the economic benefits that Castros’ regime top Warden allows them.

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A Box of Cigars Cost a Year's Salary in Cuba
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/yoani-sanchez/a-box-of-cigars-cost-a-ye_b_2659579.html

Yoani Sanchez

My grandfather chewed tobacco, biting down on it and moistening it with his saliva in an obsessive ritual that continued throughout the day. He also had a pipe, to which he added the coarse-cut tobacco he prepared himself, which he smoked only after meals. He belonged to the generation that grew up watching the most famous Hollywood stars smoking on the big screen and he imitated them from his seat in the movie theater. My grandfather didn't look anything like a Humphrey Bogart with his irresistibly gallant cigarettes in Casablanca; nor a Marlon Brando enveloped in nicotine-filled smoke and sensuality. Because, unlike those glamorous men, Basilio Eliseo was a surly islander with calloused hands incapable of writing a full sentence. But he did share, with such famous characters, the enjoyment of a good cigar. The aroma that emanated -- I can almost smell it now -- was a mixture of sweat and nicotine, which hung in the air for hours after he'd left.

For Cubans, who still enjoy Havana cigars, it has become difficult to satisfy this preference. The market that operates in convertible pesos has absorbed most of a production that now trades at stratospheric prices in specialized luxury stores. Before the astonished eyes of passersby, whose monthly salaries barely exceed twenty-five dollars, the windows display boxes of the Romeo y Julieta brand for the a year's salary, or a single Cohiba for a month's wages. The offering of puros for sale in national money, at a price accessible to locals, is practically extinct. In part because the astute traders of the illegal market have captured the supply; they change the bands and sell them to the tourists as higher quality products. But also because the State has lost interest in selling to their own citizens a product they prefer to export, in order to earn juicier profits.

However, beyond commercial or even medical considerations, the truth is that the image of the old Cuban man with a puro between his lips is becoming a thing of promotional posters and commercial advertising. Neither a retiree nor an active professional -- whatever their specialty -- can afford to buy quality cigars at a price that bears some relation to their legal income. Thus, a national product has become an international one, a symbol of Cuban identity transformed into a trophy for visiting foreigners. Except for the growers who reserve some leaves for their and their family's own consumption, ever fewer compatriots can choose this type of "smoke." And it is not about defending, now, a habit harmful to the lungs and prejudicial to the pocketbook; but about recognizing that the so-called Havana cigar is no longer a product for those who live on the island, contrary to what many foreigners believe. The picture of my grandfather Elisha chewing the leaves or tamping the shredded tobacco into his pipe, is just that... an image full of anachronisms from those long ago days.
Cuban tobacco's prestige around the world was a mark of superior quality. Tobacco leaf production reached 44,000 MT in 1958, with a total production of 335 million cigars, and 624 million packs of cigarettes. The tobacco industry accounted for 10% of the island exports at a volume of 11,434 million cigarettes and 79 million cigars in 1958 producing $51 million in revenue. According to the Consumer Price Index inflation (CPI) calculator the cigars exported in 1958 would have reached a value of $385 million in 2010.

In 2010 tobacco leaf production reached 20,500 MT, cigars reached 375.6 million units of which 81.5 were exported, and 13.1 million packs of cigarettes (ONE 2010). Tobacco leaf production fell 53% compare to 1958. Cuban state-run tobacco monopoly Habanos S.A., reported revenues in cigar sales of $369.4 million in 2010. The production keep going down, a 54% reduction compare to the year 1958.

The island economy is in shambles. Cuba was one of the most prosperous countries in Latin America before 1959. Under the Castro brothers’ military dictatorship the island economy has been decimated. How is possible that after 55 years of a failure still there are people defending this regime?

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The documentary "Electricity at the Service of Cuba", filmed in 1956 (Carlos Franqui, director of Radio Rebelde in Sierra Maestra and editor of the newspaper Revolución, was the director), was uploaded into YouTube. This film is evidence of the prosperity of Cuba during the 1950’s, precisely during the Batista government. You can see the past wealth of the country and compare it with today ruins. On each of the videos Bert Corzo make comments about the subjects providing statistics and establishing comparison before and after the Castroit regime, demonstrating that it has been a failure of great proportion.

This is a four part series title “A Look Back at Pre-Castro Cuba.” The four parts has been published in babalublog.com. This links will let you to take a look at it, and comment about these series of articles.

Part 1
http://babalublog.com/2012/06/a-look-back-at-pre-castro-cuba-part-1-of-4/#more-96210

Part 2
http://babalublog.com/2012/07/a-look-back-at-pre-castro-cuba-%e2%80%93-part-2-of-4/#more-96793

Part 3
http://babalublog.com/2012/07/a-look-back-at-pre-castro-cuba-part-3-of-4/#more-97942


Part 4
http://babalublog.com/2012/07/a-look-back-at-pre-castro-cuba-part-4-of-4/#more-98484

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Cuba says sugar harvest is 17pc behind schedule [url]

Posted by Abdul Ahad

HAVANA: Cuban raw sugar production is 17 percent behind schedule toward a target of 1.7 million tons, official media said over the weekend, putting in doubt hopes to increase output 20 percent over the previous season.

The report indicated industry performance deteriorated during the peak yield months of February and March.

In early February, production was 7.8 percent behind schedule, said Leobel Perez Hernandez, spokesman for state-run sugar monopoly AZCUBA.

"The lack of cane arriving at mills is today the main brake on a harvest, which due to its deficit, threatens the plan," the Communist Party Granma said in its weekend edition.

Granma blamed the breakdown of cane-cutting machines and transportation equipment, the late arrival of spare parts and management problems for mills operating at just 65.3 percent of capacity, compared with the 71 percent planned.
"The country to date has barely accumulated 83 percent of the sugar it should have," Granma said.

"History demonstrates the danger of ending March and beginning April with capacities poorly utilized," Granma said. "This period threatens extreme complications."

The harvest runs from December into May, with hot and humid summer weather lowering cane yields and making harvesting more difficult by the middle of April.
AZCUBA said when the harvest began that most mills would close in April, but they will now have to operate well into May, a costly proposition.

Cuba consumes between 600,000 and 700,000 tons of sugar a year and has a 400,000-ton toll agreement with China.
Things shall be really bad when the official regime newspaper admits that something has gone wrong, and the sugar harvest has fallen behind by 17 percent. In 1958 Cuba produced 5.86 tons of sugar and exported 5.0 million tons, equivalent to 25% of the world sugar cane exports, the larger exported in the world. The island can no longer produce enough domestic sugar consumption and fulfill export contracts with China, since it can barely produce 1.5 million tons. The Castroit regime blame everything except itself for this catastrophe. The management of of the sugar industry by the Castroit regime has been disastrous.

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Cuba’s Oil Bust
wsj.com/article/SB10001424127887324474004578442511561458392.html

By MARY ANASTASIA O’GRADY

Remember all the hype about Cuba drilling for oil in Caribbean waters and American companies missing out on the bonanza because of the U.S. embargo? Well, like all the other Cuban get-rich-quick schemes of the past 50 years, this one seems to have flopped too.

Last week, Florida’s Sun Sentinel reported that “after spending nearly $700 million during a decade, energy companies from around the world have all but abandoned their search for oil in deep waters off the north coast of Cuba near Florida.” Separately, CubaStandard.com reported on Friday that “the shallow-water drilling platform used by Russian oil company OAO Zarubezhneft will leave Cuban waters June 1, to be redeployed to Asia.”

According to the Sun Sentinel story, Jorge Piñon, an oil-industry guru who had been cheering Cuba’s exploration attempts, said “Companies are saying, ‘We cannot spend any more capital on this high-risk exploration. We’d rather go to Brazil; we’d rather go to Angola; we’d rather go to other places in the world where the technological and geological challenges are less.’”

It wouldn’t be the first time the dictatorship thought it had found a short cut to wealth. In 1970 it put all its faith in the “ten-million ton harvest,” which promised to get the nation off Soviet dependency by forcing every Cuban to work in the cane fields. It failed.

Then there was that cow, Ubre Blanca, literally “white udder” in Spanish. She was a cross between two breeds and in 1982 Cuba claimed that she produced a world-record of 24 gallons of milk in one day. When she died, in 1985, Fidel Castro instructed Cuba’s genetic scientists to get to work on making more of her. Almost 30 years later Cuban researchers were still at it. In June 2002, the Telegraph reported that “Dr Jose Morales, the head of the White Udder cloning project, is confident that a breakthrough is imminent. ‘We’re very close,’ he said. ‘We have big things coming. This project is very important to Comandante Castro.’”

Then came promises of an oil boom and last week the predictable bust. The Brazilian state-owned Petrobras PETR4.BR +0.10% had given up on deep-sea drilling in Cuban waters in 2011. Repsol REP.MC -0.06% gave up in May 2012. The deep water platform it was using was then passed to Malaysia’s state-owned Petronas, which also came up empty.
Venezuela’s PdVSA had no luck either. In November Cuba announced that the rig that had been in use would be heading to Asia. Last week came the end of shallow-water drilling.

The loss to the regime is not just about the foreign exchange that oil implied. The threat of spills, as well as lost opportunity for American companies, were ways for Cuba to engage the U.S. and perhaps even get the embargo lifted without having to make any human-rights concessions. Some Democrats, whose party is more often found in opposition to oil exploration, tried to help.

At a House subcommittee hearing in November 2011 on the matter, Rep. Ed Markey (D., Mass.) argued that “companies like Exxon Mobil, XOM -1.13% Chevron CVX +1.31% and the ConocoPhillips COP +1.92% ” should be doing the “first drilling” in Cuban waters. “I would hope that the Majority’s opposition to lifting the embargo against Fidel does not outweigh their fidelity to creating more jobs for American businesses and American workers in our own country.”

For now Mr. Markey’s dreams of helping the dictatorship are, at best, on hold. And Cuba remains a tropical backwater whose only claim to fame is its large collection of political prisoners.
“After spending nearly $700 million during a decade, energy companies from around the world have all but abandoned their search for oil in deep waters off the north coast of Cuba” This is a hard blow to the Castroit regime.

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The myth about finding oil in the deep waters of the north coast of Cuba by the Castroit tyrannical regimen is over. The regime has to keep depending of the approximately 115,000 barrels of petroleum a day send by Venezuela, a figure worth about $3.5 billion per year, in order to avoid bankruptcy.

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UM professor: Cuba’s electricity has been sagging for years
http://www.miamiherald.com/2013/04/04/3321650/um-professor-cubas-electricity.html

By Juan O. Tamayo
[email protected]

Cuba’s electricity sector has been going steadily downhill in the past five or six years because of bad investments, lack of controls and hurricane damages, according to an updated report by a University of Miami professor.

“They had a little improvement until 2005 or 2006, but since then it’s been falling,” said Manuel Cereijo, a professor of electrical engineering who has long monitored the sector and written several reports on its activity.

Cereijos’ latest figures show that the electricity lost between the generating plants and consumers rose from 18 percent of power generated in 2005 to 30 percent last year, compared to about 5 percent in other countries.

The number of days with blackouts rose from 100 to 125 in the same period, he reported, and the total time of interruptions in the system rose from 480,000 hours in 2008 to 900,000 hours last year.

Meanwhile, peak demand rose steadily, from 2,200 megawatts to 3,500 megawatts, leading to interruptions and other problems. The island today needs an immediate addition of 500 megawatts in generating capacity, Cereijo added.

Cuba was hit by a growing string of blackouts last summer, capped by a massive outage in September that left an estimated 5 million people without power for up to 12 hours in the western half of the island.

Cereijo said he gathers his figures from the Cuban government’s own National Statistics Office (ONE), electricity sector employees who defected and now live abroad and companies that sell equipment to the island, among others.

A retired deputy dean of the engineering faculty at Florida International University, Cereijo wrote a lengthy report on Cuba’s power sector in 2011. He will present an update at UM on April 17.

Electricity generation and distribution on the island were hard hit in the early 1990s, after the Soviet Union collapsed and stopped sending cheap oil and spare parts for the island’s Soviet-made equipment.

Cubans joked at the time they had more darkness than light, and called the occasional return of power “light-ins.”
Electricity production improved in the 2000s as the island began spending an estimated $3.5 billion on smaller generators to counter the steady deterioration of its larger and older plants, Cereijo noted.

But the smaller plants were only stopgap measures, he added, designed to provide power to large institutions such as hospitals during emergencies, not to work for long stretches at a time. Cubans also have complained about their noxious exhaust fumes.

The island had 17 main generating plants in 1989 and now has only seven that are working, Cereijo said. The most modern of its high-voltage lines was installed in the 1970s and used outdated Soviet technology.

Three devastating hurricanes hit Cuba in 2008, and some of the damages caused by Hurricane Sandy in the eastern part of Cuba last year, mostly to lines and transformers, have yet to be repaired, according to reports from dissidents in the region.

Uruguay just last month donated $300,000 worth of materials to fix damage to the power grid caused by Sandy, which hit hardest Oct. 25 in the city and province of Santiago de Cuba.
Underlining Cuba’s need for more generating capacity, the government announced in December that it had reopened its oldest hydro-power generating station, built in 1912 in Pinar del Rio province, with new Chinese technology.

A British firm, Havana Energy, also announced in November that it had signed a deal with the Cuban government to produce energy on the island from renewable sources, such as cane refuse and other vegetation.

Cuban officials gave no detailed explanation for the September blackout, saying only that it was caused by an “interruption” in a high-voltage line near the city of Ciego de Avila, about 250 miles east of Havana.

The outage blacked out the western half of the island, from Pinar del Rio to the province of Villa Clara, for five to 12 hours. Other blackouts were reported around the same times in the eastern end of the island, but it was never clear if they were related.

Cuba’s government news monopoly has also reported repeatedly on the theft of materials from the electricity sector — from cables to transmission towers as well as their steel and aluminum girders, nuts and bolts — that cause smaller blackouts.
The actual installed generating capacity of the 10 electric power plants is 3,500 MW, but due to the deterioration of the system for lack of proper maintenance; use of fuel heavy in sulfur content, effect of blackouts, high percentage of transmission losses along the electrical distribution grid and aging, the generating capacity is only 1,200 MW. The blackouts and rationing of electricity are still in place.

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By 2005-2006, power plant breakdowns hastened a new wave of severe blackouts, lasting up to 18 hours per day, and igniting civil unrest. After the blackouts of 2005-06, the Catroit regime embarked on a program to reduce electricity consumption and to expand capacity to generate power in a program called the “Energy Revolution” or “Revolución Energética.” … The installation of about 1,200 MW of generator sets is an extremely costly solution if fuel is valued at its international price.

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The disadvantages of generator sets approach include very high operating costs, the challenge of providing maintenance and service to thousands of generator units, transmission stability problems and the difficulty of efficiently dispatching such a numerous and scattered aggregation of generators.

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Fewer Eggs in Cubas Ration Book
http://www.havanatimes.org/?p=95726

HAVANA TIMES — The Cuban government’s decision to halve the number of eggs to be delivered monthly to the population, through the ration book, took effect on Monday.

According to a press release over the weekend from the Ministry of Internal Trade, the five eggs a month each citizen receives at the subsidized price of 0.15 cents Cuban pesos (CUP), will remain, but the other five, sold at 0.90 cents, will be deleted.

The new price for eggs beyond the five from the ration book is 1.10 pesos, as was being charged in agricultural markets administered by the army.

This new policy adds another cut to the already low volume of basic products that Cubans receive supplies through the dwindling ration book.

In 2012 the production of eggs, one of the most demanded products in the island, was four per cent below the previous year.

The price increase deals a blow especially to those Cubans who work for the government and pensioners who do not have relatives abroad sending them remittances. One Convertible Peso or CUC = 0.87 USD and 1 USD = 20 CUP (regular pesos).
Reduced imports, declining food production, less food via the rationing, exorbitant prices for food in CUC and little supply via farmer's markets: Cubans three biggest problems still are breakfast, lunch and dinner.

It are the remittances that ensure most Cuban have reasonable food rations. The 35-40% of Cubans that don't get remittances and that do not have other access to extra income (like members of the lite) struggle and face hunger.

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Report says Cuban economic growth hasn’t quickened despite reforms
http://www.miamiherald.com/2013/07/01/3480625/report-says-cuban-economy-is.html#emlnl=The_Americas

By Juan O. Tamayo
[email protected]


Cuba said Monday its economy will grow by no more than 3 percent this year, about the same as in 2012 but far short of the 3.6 percent goal and another indication that ruler Raúl Castro’s reforms are generating little new economic activity.

Castro, nevertheless, seemed pleased with the reports on his reforms submitted Friday to a meeting of the Council of Ministers and detailed in a story Monday in Granma, the official newspaper of the ruling Communist Party.

“We continue advancing and the results can be seen. We are moving at a faster pace than can be imagined by those who criticize our supposed slow pace and ignore the difficulties that we face,” he was quoted as saying at the meeting.

Since succeeding older brother Fidel in 2008, Castro has allowed more private enterprise and cut state payrolls and subsidies. But many economists have dismissed his reforms as too slow and too weak to rescue Cuba’s Soviet-styled economy.

Minister of the Economy and planning Adel Yzquierdo told the Cabinet meeting that he expects Gross Domestic Product will grow by between 2.5 and 3 percent, far short of the 3.6 percent goal. The country’s GDP grew by 3 percent last year.

GDP growth for the first half of this year was estimated at 2.3 percent, compared to 2.1 percent for the same period last year, he added. Cuba uses a unique way of counting GDP that exaggerates the number when compared to other countries.

Yzquierdo blamed the shortcomings on a broad range of factors that went from last year’s Hurricane Sandy — it caused an estimated $2 billion in damages — to what Granma called “the deficiencies that are part and parcel of the Cuban economy.”

Granma and Yzquierdo ticked off a list of reasons for the economic stagnation, from delays in projects to broken contracts and “the low productivity and shortage of the labor force” as well as the economic situation in Latin America and the rest of the world.

Spending on social services remained stable for the first semester of this year, Yzquierdo declared, and many parts of the economy grew at a 2.9 percent clip or better. But the sugar harvest fell 192,000 tons short of goal and bean production fell 6,000 tons short.

Government spending on construction and other capital projects was 16.6 percent higher than in the first semester last year but 9 percent short of goal because of delays and others issues, the minister said.

Exports grew by 5 percent, Granma reported, and lower prices on imported food meant savings of $168 million. But shortcomings in Cuban farming forced the government to import an unplanned $46 million worth of food. Cuba must import more than 70 percent of the food items it consumes, at a cost of more than $1.5 billion a year.

Underlining Cuba’s economic stagnation, Vice President Marino Murillo, in charge of implementing the Castro reforms, told the Cabinet that the government will “promote” the use of bicycles to cover gaps in public transportation, according to Granma.

“We will evaluate the sale at cost of parts for their maintenance,” Murillo was quoted as saying in the lengthy Granma report summing up the Cabinet meeting.

The government sold Cubans more than 1 million bicycles, most of them made in China, after the Soviet Union collapsed in the early 1990s and halted it massive cash and oil subsidies to the communist-ruled island.

But by 1996 about one-third of Havana residents had stopped using their bikes because of the lack of spare parts, the bad state of Cuba’s streets and lack of night lights, according to a report in 2011 by the Agence France Press news agency.

The AFP report noted that Havana authorities had already decided to cut the price of spare parts by 30 percent, guarantee the work of 105 repair shops and 110 air pumping stations and try to create about 100 miles of bike lanes.

Murillo also listed a series of problems with the public transportation system — bus passengers not paying their fares and bus company employees stealing the money, and a black market for fuel and spare parts mostly stolen from state enterprises.

The government plans to use plastic cards to control fuel purchases by public transport employees — the principal source of black market fuel — crack down on the theft and offer higher salaries to sector workers, he said, without raising prices.

What does the Castroit regime does with any amount of efficiency, except oppress the people that have the ability to produce? How much longer before the tyrannical regime is remove from power by forces from within?

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The main issue is the inability of the Soviet styled centrally planned economy to ramp up food production. It's a 5 decade issue and the regime has no excuse, not with some of the most arable land in the world. Another of the great regime “reforms”, the promotion of the use of bicycles. The island, that in 1958 had 270,000 passenger cars, equivalent to 24 cars per 1,000 people, and ranked second among Latin American countries, will now be reduced itself to bicycles. Since the regimen “restored” in September 2011 the right to the sale of old and new cars, car business most be going through the roof.

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Cuba’s Burning Economic Contradictions
http://www.havanatimes.org/?p=96009

By Pedro Campos

HAVANA TIMES – The now chronic disaster in the Cuban economy has led the leadership to try out a series of measures known as “la actualización” (updating), aimed at reducing State subsidies, raising taxes, lowering real wages, eliminating excess personnel on the State payroll and creating a more efficient bureaucratic structure, while at the same time strengthening the role of national and foreign capitalism. All of this without making any substantive changes in the political system.

It’s an eclectic mix that proposes the continuation of economic domination by the State, flirts with national and foreign capital and merely flashes a smile at the cooperative system without offering any real openings for developing independent worker-controlled forms of production.

“Free the productive forces!” cry the spokespeople for the new measures. But – who is responsible for keeping these forces boxed up and tied down? None other than the very same little group identified as the historic national leadership that decides everything. Grab the thief!

According to declarations of the national economic “managers” themselves, at this stage of the game, the “updating” decrees are not yielding the expected results.

In truth, the issue is clear: once we accept that the so-called “State socialism” model has failed, the only thing left for the Cuban economy is to advance decidedly towards privatization, as in China and Russia; or towards the socialization of property and full appropriation of the economy by the people – true socialism as demanded by the democratic socialists.

But the evolution in either direction is being blocked by the central bureaucratic apparatus, determined to maintain absolute control over the country’s economic and political system. As a result, the “updating” is neither consistent with the needs of private capitalism, nor with a true socialist economy in which freely associated forms of production predominate.

A move towards capitalism? Historic obstacles block the path

A number of countries in Europe and Asia formerly considered socialist ended by reestablishing private capitalism, with States and governments that range from democratic to authoritarian. The classic cases of Russia and China speak for themselves.

There, national and international private capital were allowed to take over the economies little by little until they predominated, although some branches of the economy remained in the hands of the state, with the goal of guaranteeing the optimal functioning of those private capitals.

But here in Cuba, the chosen “pragmatic” road of warming up to capitalism – the true meaning of the “updating” measures – comes up against not only the old neo-Stalinist bureaucracy, which wants to continue being called “socialist”, but also against another difficulty no less important: the source of that private capital couldn’t conceivably be anything other than the big neighbor to the North and the Cuban community that has settled there.

And that’s where the great contradiction of the new Platt* era arises: it’s clear that the current Cuban leaders are betting on the North’s help to pull out of the current hole, thinking that they’ll be able to count on the income from more than a million US visitors to the Cuban tourist areas each year and from the eventual large volume of trade around the Mariel Port mega-project. But it’s impossible for these plans to succeed unless the US blockade is lifted.

http://www.havanatimes.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/07/pedro2.jpg
Havana apartments.

In China and Vietnam, foreign investment, particularly from the US and from residents living overseas, was successfully recruited without a previous process of political democratization. It seems to me that this was because there was not the level of animosity that persists between Cuba and the US, and the Chinese and Vietnamese communities living in the United States never attained the political influence of the Cuban community.

Further, the traditional economic, social and cultural ties between the United States and those countries never had the historic significance of the relations between Cuba and the US, marked by special ties for centuries.

Some analysts of relations between the US and Cuba believe that the Mariel project could offer such important economic benefits to the US that it could in itself represent an important impetus towards lifting the embargo-blockade.

Nonetheless, though it may present many economic benefits, it seems improbable that any US administration would decide to do so before substantial democratic changes had taken place in Cuba, due to the high political costs that a move to lift the blockade would imply internally and the oft-maintained US rejection of the current Cuban political leadership.

So, the Chinese road towards the dominance of private national and foreign capital doesn’t appear viable in Cuba unless the imperialist blockade were lifted; and this doesn’t seem like it could become a reality until a process of democratization were to take place in the current political system in Cuba, and the principal historic leaders were to really leave power.

In synthesis, these two capitalist forces – imperialism and the traditional Cuban wealthy class – openly confront the ruling bureaucratic bourgeoisie who nonetheless is relying on them to make their modernization effective. However, the contradictions between the two seem irreconcilable.

Since the Cuban government wants to continue being called “socialist” and their party to continue being called “communist” so that the international left will continue to offer them every type of consideration, they can’t openly adopt any measures that would allow them to lure private capitalism, such as a full opening to foreign investment and to the Cuban community outside the country, or a complete liberation of the marketplace from the state monopoly policies. That is one of the most flagrant contradictions of the updating plan.

Towards democratic socialism? A smile…and nothing more

As far as the true socialist path that the socialist and democratic left demand, it has by now been clearly demonstrated that the historic leadership, lord and master of the Cuban state, has no interest in taking that road.

The agricultural cooperatives that have proven their effectiveness continue functioning with many regulations and state limitations; the presence of cooperatives in other areas is left to the mercy of trial runs “with no hurry” carried out under state control.

There is no ample cooperative law that would make it possible for workers to form a free and voluntary productive union, much less are there state stimuli available for this. Regarding worker self-management within the state enterprises…silence. In brief, concrete measures to strengthen the socialist area of the economy are completely lacking.

Can imperialism be blamed for the fact that the government has been historically incapable of eliminating the absurd state controls, passing a broad cooperative law, supporting free associations for workers, allowing self-employment to function openly and without deviations, designing a tax structure that stimulates production instead of holding it back, facilitating the entry of resources that could help stimulate the popular economy? In short, there has been no effort to democratize the economy and move away from the bureaucratic state salary system.

http://www.havanatimes.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/07/pedro3.jpg
Off to school.

Of course it’s not prepared to advance towards a true socialization of the economy because that would imply giving real power to the workers to the detriment of the bureaucracy.

It is difficult and painful to say this, but that same leadership which at one time was the hope of the Cuban people has today become the worst obstacle in the way of a socialist advance in Cuba.

A new kind of class confrontation

The new social composition of classes that the “updating” process is creating presents at one extreme the “unanticipated” bureaucratic political and military class that believes itself to be the legitimate owner of the country’s entire economy. At the other extreme is the dispossessed and badly paid class of salaried workers that the state exploits.

The new small and medium capitalists who exploit their own salaried workers represent a kind of nouveau riche class, benefitted by the updating measures but still held down by the State’s strictures. The salaried workers exploited by these newly wealthy live better than the State salaried workers and as such prefer private capitalism.

Then there are the true self-employed workers who don’t exploit outside labor – from the intellectuals and artists with large incomes right down to the elderly peanut sellers – all of them burdened by abusive state taxes. The state throws the new capitalists and their salaried workers into the same sack as the authentic self-employed, all under the label of “cuentapropistas” [self-employed].

And finally there are the cooperative members, formally organized or not, who work together and divide the profits; they are also smothered by state regulations.

Apart from all these, there is a class that’s not present in Cuba but which continues to push its agenda: the true wealthy capitalist class with large businesses, settled fundamentally in Miami. This class, exiled from power, has always aspired to return and today continues to plot its comeback on the heels of large international capital.

The bureaucratic bourgeoisie now finds itself confronting all of these other classes and national groupings because it lives off of them exploiting all of them directly through salaried work or via abusive taxes and monopoly control of the economy, trade, finances and the dual monetary system. They are the class that is impeding the development of all the others, be it the wealthy classes or the germinating socialist class.

Only themselves to blame

There’s no doubt about it: the productive forces in Cuba, be it for the development of private capitalism or to socialize the economy, are facing a common obstacle: the centralized state system and its bureaucracy determined to maintain itself in power indefinitely.

I don’t intend to sharpen contradictions that require peaceful and democratic solutions, but objectively the tendency of the class composition of Cuban society and an analysis of its interests presents the bureaucratic bourgeoisie created by State socialism as a kind of class that stands in opposition to social and economic advance in Cuba in any direction other than its own strengthening as a hegemonic group. In this way, they have positioned themselves against the entire Cuban people, against all of their classes and current social groupings.

According to Carlos Marx, when the productive forces are held back by the relations of production – in this case the salaried State workers – revolutions appear. Later, let them not blame the imperialists, the “counterrevolutionary” forces, the Miami “mafia”, the new technologies, nor much less the peaceful democratic and socialist left who have done everything possible to help find the road that they have blocked. Instead they should seek the causes from within, in their own self-interest, limitations and befuddlement.
—–
Pedro Campos: [email protected]
* The Platt Amendment was a 1901 treaty between the US and Cuba to “protect” Cuba from foreign
The so call “reforms” are just measures taken for the main purpose of keeping the Castroit regime afloat with minimum cosmetic changes, contrary to what many in the MSM would have us believe.

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After 58 years without human rights under the Castroit tyrannical monarchy, the Cuban people is craving for freedom and change of the bankrupt system.

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Andres Oppenheimer: Cuba celebrates 60 years of involution

BY ANDRES OPPENHEIMER
[email protected]
Posted o7/28/2013

Cuban President Gen. Raúl Castro celebrated Friday the 60th anniversary of the guerrilla attack on the Moncada barracks that marked the beginning of the Cuban revolution, but the event could just as well be remembered as marking six decades of Latin America’s biggest political, economic and social fiasco.

Granted, many of us, especially those born outside the island, once saw the “Cuban revolution” with a dose of romantic admiration. But even if you brush aside the fact that Cuba’s revolutionaries toppled one dictatorship to install another, the cold statistics of the past six decades tell a story of thousands of senseless deaths, a massive emigration that split Cuban families, and an economic collapse with few parallels anywhere.

In 1958, the year before then guerrilla leader Fidel Castro took power, Cuba had a per capita income of roughly $356 dollars a year, one of the three or four highest in Latin America, according to Carmelo Mesa Lago of the University of Pittsburg, co-author of “Cuba under Raúl Castro” and one of the most prominent experts on the Cuban economy.

By comparison, Costa Rica was poorer, and Asian countries such as South Korea were much poorer, with per capita incomes of less than $100 a year.

Consider how much things have changed since:

• According to the World Bank’s databank, South Korea, which started welcoming massive foreign investments in the early 1960’s, today has an annual per capita income of $22,600; Costa Rica of $9,400, and Cuba of $5,400. And according to Mesa Lago, Cuba’s real per capita income is probably lower than that because the figures have been manipulated by the island’s government.

• South Korea has 276 cars per 1,000 people, while Costa Rica has 135, and Cuba only 21, the World Bank statistics show.

• In South Korea, 37 percent of the population has access to broadband Internet, compared with 9 percent in Costa Rica and 4 percent in Cuba, they show.

While South Korea has become a world industrial powerhouse — its Samsung electronic goods and Hyundai cars are exported everywhere — and Costa Rica has high-tech factories from companies such as Intel, Cuba is an industrial basket case.

The island has not even been able to continue producing sugar or cigars at its 1958 levels. According to Cuban government figures cited by Mesa Lago, Cuba’s sugar production has fallen from 859 tons to 106 tons per 1,000 people over the past six decades, and Cuba’s cigar production has fallen from 92,000 cigars per 1,000 people to 36,000 over the same period.

Until recently, Cubans used to joke that the three biggest accomplishments of Cuba’s revolution are health, education and the restoration of national dignity, while its three biggest shortcomings are breakfast, lunch and dinner.

But even Cuba’s health and education standards have fallen in recent years, and its national dignity has been compromised by its almost total economic dependence first from the former Soviet Union, and lately by Venezuela.

Today, Cuba’s life expectancy of 79 years is the same as that of Costa Rica, and below South Korea’s 81 years. In education, Cuba deserves credit for virtually eliminating illiteracy sooner than most other Latin American nations, but its higher education is far from what it used to be.

A newly released ranking of Latin American universities by QS, a well-known London-based university research firm, places the once prestigious University of Havana at the 81st place in the region. It ranks way behind universities of Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Argentina, Colombia, Costa Rica, Venezuela and Paraguay.

Asked whether Castro’s latest pro-market reforms to revert Cuba’s economic disaster will work, Mesa Lago told me in an interview that “these are the most important economic reforms that have been implemented in Cuba since the revolution. The problem is that excessive regulations, bureaucratic red tape and taxes are blocking their success.”

My opinion: Cuba’s apologists will probably argue that I’m influenced by the Miami exile “mafia” and will come up with Cuba’s own figures purporting to show the island as a model country.

But when I heard the presidents of Uruguay, Bolivia, Nicaragua and other countries who were standing next to Gen. Castro on Friday’s anniversary in Santiago de Cuba praising the “achievements of the revolution,” the first question that came to my mind was: if Cuba is such a success and Cubans are so happy, why hasn’t the government allowed one single free election in six decades? The answer is that Cuba’s dictatorship knows very well that its revolution has been a fiasco, and that it would lose them.
A more fitting title would be “60 Years of Fiasco.” With respect to elimination of illiteracy, this is real achievement: From 1899 to 1958 the illiteracy rate dropped from 72% (Census of 1899) to 18% (Cuba's Ministry of Education archives) for persons older than 10 years of age, a remarkable achievement. Cubans were not just literate but also educated.

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Cuba has had one of the most literate populations in Latin America since well before the Castro revolution. Cuba national illiteracy rate was 18% in 1958, ranking third in Latin America. Cuba was the Latin American country with the highest budget for education in 1958, with 23% of the total budget earmarked for this expense. This data is found in the archives of Cuba's Ministry of Education.

The female percentage, in relation to the total student population, was the highest in the Western Hemisphere including the US. According to the United Nations Statistics Division yearbook of 1959, shows Cuba having 3.8 female university students per 1,000 inhabitants, well above the Latin America median of 2.6.

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